The  PRESENTATION  of 
CHRISTIANITY 
IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


y 

BOARD  OF  MISSIONARY  PREPARATION 
25  Madison  Avenue,  New  York 


BOARD  OF  MISSIONARY  PREPARATION 


Prof.  Frederick  L.  Anderson,  D.D. 
The  Rev.  James  L.  Barton,  D.D. 
Prof.  Harlan  P.  Beach,  D.D. 

David  Bovaird,  M.D. 

Prof.  O.  E.  Brown,  D.D. 

Prof.  Ernest  DeWitt  Burton,  D.D. 

Miss  Helen  B.  Calder 

Prof.  Edward  W.  Capen,  Ph.D. 

Prof.  W.  O.  Carver,  D.D. 

The  Rev.  Wm.  I.  Chamberlain,  Ph.D. 

The  Rev.  George  Drach 

The  Rev.  James  Endicott,  D.D. 

Prof.  Daniel  J.  Fleming,  Ph.D. 
Dean  H.  E.  W.  Fosbroke,  D.D. 
Pres.  Henry  C.  King,  D.D. 

Prof.  Walter  L.  Lingle,  D.D. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  Arthur  S.  Lloyd,  D.D. 
The  Rev.  R.  P.  Mackay,  D.D. 


Pres.  W.  Douglas  Mackenzie,  D.D. 
John  R.  Mott,  LL.D. 

The  Rev.  Frank  Mason  North,  D.D. 
Principal  T.  R.  O’Meara,  D.D. 

Pres.  C.  T.  Paul,  Ph.D. 

Prof.  Henry  B.  Robins,  Ph.D. 

Dean  James  E.  Russell,  LL.D. 

T.  H.  P.  Sailer,  Ph.D. 

Miss  Una  Saunders 
Prof.  E.  D.  Soper,  D.D. 

Robert  E.  Speer,  D.D. 

Pres.  J.  Ross  Stevenson,  D.D. 
Fennell  P.  Turner 
Pres.  Addie  Grace  Wardle,  Ph.D. 
The  Rev.  Charles  R.  Watson,  D.D. 
The  Rev.  Stanley  White,  D.D. 

Pres.  WUbert  W.  White,  Ph.D. 

Pres.  Mary  E.  Woolley,  Litt.D. 


W.  DOUGLAS  MACKENZIE,  Chairman 
FENNELL  P.  TURNER,  Honorary  Secretary 
WILLIAM  I.  CHAMBERLAIN,  Treasurer 

REV.  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  Ph.D.,  Director 


THE  PRESENTATION  OF  CHRISTIANITY 
IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


THE  R^ORT  OF  A COMMITTEE  APPOINTED  BY 

THE  Aboard  of  missionary  preparation 


Professor  Harlan  P.  Beach,  D.D.,  F.R.G.S.,  Chairman 
The  Reverend  F.  W.  Baller 
David  Bovaird,  M.D. 

Professor  Ernest  D.  Burton,  D.D. 

Professor  W.  O.  Carver,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  James  EndIcott,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  Arnold  Foster 
President  J.  C.  Garritt,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  Canon  S.  Gould,  M.D. 

The  Reverend  G.  Heinmiller,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  James  Jackson,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  George  Heber  Jones,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  E.  C.  Lobenstine 
The  Reverend  D.  Willard  Lyon,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  D.  MacGillivray,  D.D. 

The  Re\erend  W.  A.  P.  Martin,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

The  Reverend  W.  W.  Pinson,  D.D. 

President  F.  L.  Hawks  Pott,  D.D. 

The  Reverend  W.  Hopkyn  Rees,  D.D. 

The  Right  Reverend  Logan  H.  Roots,  D.D. 

Dean  James  E.  Russell,  LL.D. 

The  Reverend  W.  E.  Taylor,  Ph.D. 

The  Reverend  Stanley  White,  D.D. 


PRESENTED  AT  THE  SEVENTH  ANNUAL  MEETING 
IN  NEW  YORK,  DECEMBER,  1917 


Board  of  Missionary  Preparation 
25  Madison  Avenue,  New  York 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/presentationofch00boar_0 


PREFACE 


The  Board  of  Missionary  Preparation,  at  its  fourth  an- 
nual meeting,  held  in  New  York  City,  December  2,  1914, 
adopted  the  recommendation  of  its  Executive  Committee  that 
special  committees  be  appointed  “to  investigate  and  report 
upon  the  special  preparation  necessary  for  foreign  mission- 
ary candidates,  if  they  are  to  be  adequately  prepared  to 
present  the  Christian  message  to  adherents  of  different 
non-Christian  religions,”  and  authorized  the  Executive 
Committee  to  make  the  appointments.  At  the  meeting  of 
the  Executive  Committee,  on  March  23,  1915,  it  constituted 
five  committees  on  The  Presentation  of  the  Christian  Mes- 
sage to  Animists,  Buddhists,  Confucianists,  Hindus  and 
Mohammedans.  On  the  same  day  it  elected  to  the  chair- 
manship of  the  Committee  on  The  Presentation  of  Christian- 
ity to  Confucian  Peoples  Professor  Harlan  P.  Beach,  D.D., 
of  the  Yale  School  of  Religion,  for  many  years  a missionary 
in  China. 

The  following  report  is  therefore  one  of  a group  prepared 
by  the  Board  of  Missionary  Preparation  on  behalf  of  the 
Mission  Boards  of  North  America.  Each  report  is  issued 
independently.  This  group  of  reports  attempts  the  very 
difficult  task  of  formulating  for  the  benefit  of  missionary 
candidates  and  of  junior  missionaries  ^ the  religious  mind 
of  the  people  influenced  by  each  religion,  their  inherited 
tendencies  and  natural  viewpoints,  their  presuppositions  and 
habitual  lines  of  thinking,  the  data  of  whatever  nature  with 
which  he  should  become  familiar  who  hopes  to  carry  to  them 
the  Christian  message  and  to  get  results. 

Realizing  as  few  others  could  the  arduous  and  time-con- 
suming nature  of  the  task  to  be  undertaken,  and  having,  by 
reason  of  commissions  already  accepted,  but  a limited  amount 
of  time  at  his  disposal.  Professor  Beach  repeatedly  declined 

^ In  the  reports  issued  by  the  Board  of  Missionary  Preparation  this  convenient  term  is 
used  to  designate  the  younj;  missionary  up  to  the  end  of  the  first  missionary  furlough. 


3 


PREFACE 


the  chairmanship  of  the  special  committee.  He  gave  gen- 
erously of  his  summer  time,  however,  to  the  task  of  making 
a preliminary  outline  of  the  work  to  be  done,  and  finally, 
in  July,  1915,  from  sheer  loyalty  to  the  enterprise  of  mis- 
sions, assumed  the  responsibility  for  organizing  and  com- 
pleting the  report  as  its  Chairman. 

On  November  15,  1915,  the  chairmen  of  the  five  commit- 
tees, with  the  secretary  and  director  of  the  Board,  held  a 
special  meeting  at  which  the  sketchy  outline  of  each  report 
was  discussed  by  the  group. 

At  the  fifth  annual  meeting,  December  8,  1915,  the  report 
on  the  Presentation  of  Christianity  to  Confucian  Peoples 
was  presented  in  preliminary  printed  form,  was  thoroughly 
discussed  by  the  whole  Board,  and  remanded  to  the  Com- 
mittee for  further  development.  On  January  12,  1916,  the 
report  was  presented  in  an  improved  form  at  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  Foreign  Missions  Conference  of  North 
America  at  Garden  City,  where  it  received  additional 
criticism. 

In  June,  1916,  the  first  edition  of  the  report,  revised  and 
slightly  enlarged  by  reason  of  the  suggestions  already  made, 
was  printed  for  wide  circulation  as  a preliminary  report  to 
receive  the  careful  criticism  of  students  everywhere.  It  was 
then  sent,  not  alone  to  each  member  of  the  Board  of  Mis- 
sionary Preparation,  but  also  to  a long  list  of  students  of 
Confucianism,  Board  secretaries  and  missionaries,  to  each 
one  of  whom  the  Board  is  deeply  indebted  for  his  patient 
and  painstaking  cooperation. 

The  wealth  of  friendly  criticisms  and  suggestions  result- 
ing from  this  circulation  of  the  first  edition,  notably  the  com- 
prehensive and  suggestive  proposals  of  a small  group  of 
missionaries  brought  together  for  the  purpose  of  united 
criticism  by  the  China  Continuation  Committee,  led  to  the 
preparation  of  a revised  and  greatly  improved  edition  of  the 
report. 


4 


PREFACE 


This  second  edition  was  again  discussed  by  the  whole 
Board  at  its  annual  meeting  in  December,  1916,  and  by  the 
Foreign  Missions  Conference  in  January,  1917.  It  was 
thereafter  submitted  to  another  rigorous  process  of  criticism, 
being  sent  with  a careful  letter  inviting  detailed  suggestions 
to  the  members  of  the  Board  of  Missionary  Preparation  and 
to  certain  specialists  and  workers  among  Confucianists. 

The  report  has  thus  been  given  careful  consideration,  in 
some  cases  more  than  once,  by  the  following  list  of  those 
interested  in  the  Far  East,  as  representing  a wide  variety 
of  viewpoint  and  experience,  both  scholarly  and  practical: 

The  Reverend  F.  W.  Bailer,  Peking,  China. 

China  Inland  Mission. 

Professor  George  A.  Barton,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

Professor  of  Biblical  Literature  and  Semitic  Languages  in  Bryn  Mawr  College. 

Bishop  J.  W.  Bashford,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Peking,  China. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church. 

The  Reverend  Enoch  F.  Bell,  Boston,  Mass. 

Associate  Secretary  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions. 

The  Reverend  Charles  L.  Boynton,  Shanghai,  China. 

Statistical  Secretary  China  Continuation  Committee. 

Mr.  F.  M.  Brockman,  Seoul,  Korea. 

National  Secretary  of  the  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association. 

Mr.  Fletcher  S.  Brockman,  New  York  City. 

Associate  General  Secretary  International  Committee  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian 
Associations;  formerly  of  China. 

Mr.  Marshall  Broomhall,  London. 

Secretary  China  Inland  Mission;  formerly  of  China. 

The  Reverend  J.  Stewart  Burgess,  M.A.,  Peking,  China. 

The  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association. 

Mr.  Chang  Po-ling,  Tientsin,  China. 

Rev.  Ch'eng  Ch‘ing-yi,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Secretary  of  the  China  Continuation  Committee. 

The  Reverend  Pyeng-hyen  Choi,  Seoul,  Korea. 

The  Reverend  Charles  Hodge  Corbett,  Tungchow,  China. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  U.  S.  A. 

The  Reverend  Joseph  Cosad,  Tokyo,  Japan. 

United  Brethren  in  Christ. 

The  Reverend  \y.  G.  Cram,  Songdo,  Korea. 

Board  of  Missions,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 

The  Reverend  John  Darroch,  Litt.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

The  Religious  Tract  Society. 

The  Reverend  Ding  Li-mei,  Shanghai,  China. 

The  Presbyterian  Mission. 

The  Reverend  Irving  R.  Dunlap,  Liling,  China. 

Home  and  Foreign  Missionary  Society  of  the  United  Evangelical  Church. 

The  Reverend  C.  H.  Fenn,  D.D.,  Peking,  China. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 

Mr.  Galen  M.  Fisher,  Tokyo,  Japan. 

National  Secretary  of  the  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association. 

5 


PREFACE 


The  Reverend  G.  F.  Fitch,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

The  Presbyterian  Mission. 

The  Reverend  Arnold  Foster,  Wuchang,  China. 

London  Missionary  Society  (Congregational). 

Professor  John  Fryer,  LL.D.,  Berkeley,  California. 

Emeritus  Professor  of  Oriental  Languages  and  Literature  in  the  University  of  Cali- 
fornia; formerly  of  China. 

The  Reverend  J.  S.  Gale,  D.D.,  Seoul,  Korea. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 

President  Howard  S.  Galt,  Tungchow,  China. 

Union  College. 

The  Reverend  J.  C.  Garritt,  D.D.,  Nanking,  China. 

President  Nanking  School  of  Theology. 

The  Reverend  J.  Campbell  Gibson,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Swatow,  China. 

Foreign  Mission  Committee  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  England. 

The  Reverend  Chauncey  Goodrich,  D.D.,  Peking,  China. 

The  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions. 

The  Reverend  James  R.  Graham,  D.D.,  Tsingkiangpu,  China. 

Executive  Committee  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S. 
(South;. 

The  Reverend  Sidney  L.  Gulick,  D.D.,  New  York  City. 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America;  formerly  of  Japan. 

The  Reverend  T.  Harada,  LL.D.,  Kyoto,  Japan. 

President  The  Doshisha  University. 

Mr.  Charles  V.  Hibbard,  New  York  City. 

Secretary  of  the  International  Committee  of  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations;  formerly 
of  Dairen,  Japan. 

The  Reverend  Lewis  Hodous,  Foochow,  China. 

The  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions. 

Professor  E.  W.  Hopkins,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

professor  of  Sanskrit  and  Comparative  Philology  in  Yale  University. 

D.  E.  Hoste,  Esq.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Director  of  the  China  inland  Mission. 

The  Reverend  William  Edwin  Hoy,  D.D.,  Yochow  City,  China. 

China  Mission  of  the  kefornied  Church  in  U.  S. 

The  Reverend  President  K.  Ibuka,  D.D.,  Tokyo,  Japan. 

Meiji  Gakuin. 

The  Reverend  James  Jackson,  D.D.,  Wuchang,  China. 

Boone  Lnive.sitj. 

The  Reverend  George  Heber  Jones,  D.D.,  New  York  City. 

Editorial  Secretary  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church; 
formerly  of  Korea. 

The  Reverend  Paul  Kranz,  Shanghai,  China. 

Bishop  W.  R.  Lambuth,  D.D.,  Oakdale,  California. 

Vice-President  Board  of  Missions,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 

Professor  Kenneth  S.  Latourette,  M.A.,  Ph.D.,  Granville,  Ohio. 

Associate  Professor  of  History  in  Denison  University. 

Mr.  T.  T.  Lew,  Wenchow,  China. 

The  Reverend  E.  C.  Lobenstine,  Shanghai,  China 

Secretary  China  Continuation  Committee. 

The  Reverend  J.  Walter  Lowrie,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 

The  Reverend  H.  P.  S.  Luttrell,  Weihwei,  China. 

Foreign  Mission  Committee  of  Presbyterian  Church  in  Canada. 

The  Reverend  D.  Willard  Lyon,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

The  Young  Men’s  Christian  .Associations. 

Professor  Duncan  B.  Macdonald,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Professor  ot  Semitic  Languages  and  Muhammadanism  in  the  Hartford  Theological 
Seminary. 

The  Reverend  D.  MacGillivray,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Christian  Literature  Society  for  China. 


6 


PREFACE 


W.  E.  Macklin,  M.D.,  Nanking,  China. 

Foreign  Christian  Missionary  Society. 

The  Reverend  S.  Motoda,  Ph.D.,  Tokyo,  Japan.  ,.  , 

Principal  St.  Paul’s  Academy. 

The  Reverend  J.  D.  McRae,  Weihwei,  China. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  Canada. 

President  Luella  Miner,  D.Litt.,  Peking,  China. 

The  Women’s  College. 

The  Reverend  Evan  Morgan.  Shanghai,  China. 

Christian  Literature  Society  for  China. 

Mr.  S.  Niwa,  Seoul,  Korea. 

The  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association. 

Miss  A.  Estelle  Paddock,  Shanghai,  China. 

Secretary  for  China  of  the  National  Board  of  the  Young  Women’s  Christian  Association. 

President  A.  P.  Parker,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Board  of  Missions,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 

The  Reverend  William  B.  Pettus,  Peking,  China. 

Director  of  the  North  China  Union  Language  School. 

Mr.  G.  S.  Phelps,  Kyoto,  Japan. 

The  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association. 

The  Reverend  Albertus  Pieters,  Oita,  Japan. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  America. 

The  Reverend  W.  W.  Pinson,  D.D.,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

General  Secretary  Board  of  Missions,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 

President  F.  L.  Hawks  Pott,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

President  St.  John’s  University.  > 

The  Reverend  J.  T.  Proctor,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Secretary  of  the  American  Baptist  Missionary  Conference. 

The  Reverend  Frank  Rawlinson,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Editor  of  the  Chinese  Recorder. 

The  Reverend  Gilbert  Reid,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Director  of  the  International  Institute. 

The  Reverend  W.  Hopkyn  Rees,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

General  Secretary  Christian  Literature  Society  for  China. 

The  Reverend  W.  D.  Reynolds,  D.D.,  Chunju,  Korea. 

Executive  Committee  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  (South). 

Professor  C.  H.  Robertson,  M.E.,  Shanghai,  China. 

Secretary  for  work  among  Literati  of  the  National  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association  of 
China. 

The  Right  Reverend  Logan  H.  Roots,  D.D.,  Hankow,  China. 

Domestic  and  Foreign  Missionary  Society  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  U.  S.  A. 

The  Reverend  Burton  St.  John,  New  York  City. 

Statistician  Continuation  Committee,  formerly  of  China. 

The  Reverend  David  B.  Schneder,  D.D.,  Sendai,  Japan. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  the  U.  S. 

The  Reverend  John  A.  G.  Shipley,  Shanghai,  China. 

Board  of  Missions,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 

The  Reverend  C.  W.  Shoop,  Canton,  China. 

United  Brethren  Mission. 

W.  E.  Taylor,  M.A.,  Ph.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

The  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association. 

The  Reverend  Horace  G.  Underwood,  D.D.,  Seoul,  Korea. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 

The  Reverend  S.  H.  Wainright,  M.D.,  Tokyo,  Japan. 

Board  of  Missions,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 

The  Reverend  A.  L.  Warnshuis,  D.D.,  Shanghai,  China. 

National  Evangelistic  Secretary,  China  Continuation  Committee. 

The  Reverend  Clarence  M.  Weems,  Songdo,  Korea. 

Board  of  Missions,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 

7 


I 


PREFACE 

The  Reverend  John  Wherry,  D.D.,  Peking,  China. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 

The  Reverend  Norman  C.  Whittemore,  Syen  Chun,  Korea 
Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 

The  Reverend  J.  E.  Williams,  D.D.,  Nanking,  China. 

Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 

David  Z.  T.  Yui,  M.A.,  Esq.,  Shanghai,  China. 

General  Secretary  of  the  National  Young  Men’s  Christian  .Association  of  China. 

This  third  edition  of  the  report,  the  first  one  to  be  pub- 
lished, may  fairly  be  termed  a consensus  of  wide-ranging 
expert  opinion.  It  must  not  be  regarded,  however,  as  a final 
statement.  It  will  be  seen  from  this  narrative  of  its  history 
that  no  pains  have  been  spared  to  make  it  useful,  not  alone 
to  the  novice,  but  even,  in  important  respects,  to  the  mission- 
ary of  considerable  experience.  Both  the  Far-Eastern  situ- 
ation and  Confucianism  are  passing  through  so  many  phases 
of  development  at  this  time  that  any  report  must  be  regarded 
as  tentative  and  always  open  to  revision.  Criticisms  or  sug- 
gestions to  be  embodied  in  future  editions  will  always  be 
gratefully  received  and  should  be  addressed  to  the  Director 
of  the  Board  of  Missionary  Preparation,  25  Madison  Avenue, 
New  York  City. 

Frank  K.  Sanders. 

December,  1917. 


8 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


INTRODUCTORY 13 

Part  I.  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  CANDIDATES  FOR  THE  FAR  EAST  19 
I.  The  Confucian  Situation  in  the  Far  East 20 

1.  In  Japan 20 

2.  In  Korea 23 

3.  In  China 25 

II.  Definition  and  Character  of  Confucianism 26 

1.  Various  Definitions  of  Confucianism 27 

(a)  Dr.  Ernst  Faber 27 

(b)  Dr.  J.  Legge 28 

(c)  J.  J.  M.  DeGroot 29 

(d)  Professor  T.  Inouye 30 

(e)  The  late  Rev.  Horace  G.  Underwood,  D.D.  ...  31 

(f)  The  Essentials  on  Which  All  Agree 31 

2.  Its  Two  Outstanding  Features 32 

(a)  It  is  Ethical  in  Content 32 

(b)  It  Has  Both  Solidarity  and  Diversity 33 

HI.  The  Founders  of  Confucianism 33 

1.  The  Chou  Dynasty  Background 33 

(a)  The  Period  Before  Confucius ' . . 33 

(b)  The  Dynasty  in  the  Seventh  and  Sixth  Centuries  . 35 

(c)  The  Period  of  Mencius 36 

2.  Confucius 37 

(a)  The  Life  of  Confucius 37 

(b)  The  Character  of  Confucius 39 

(c)  Confucius  as  a Teacher 41 

(d)  The  Posthumous  Influence  of  Confucius  ...  42 

3.  Mencius 44 

(a)  The  Life  of  Mencius 45 

(b)  The  Character  of  Mencius 47 

(c)  Mencius  as  a Teacher 48 

(d)  Posterity's  Estimate  of  Mencius 50 

IV.  Confucian  Literature 52 

1.  “The  Five  Classics”  (Wu  Ching) 53 

(a)  “Canon  of  History”  (Shu  Ching) 54 

(b)  “The  Canon  of  Poetry”  (Shih  Ching)  ....  55 

(c)  “The  Canon  of  Changes”  (I  Ching) 57 

(d)  “The  Record  of  Rites”  (Li  Chi) 58 

(e)  “Spring  and  Autumn  Annals”  (Ch'un  Ch'iu)  . . 59 

2.  “The  Four  Books”  (Ssu  Shu) 60 

(a)  “The  Great  Learning”  (Ta  Hsiieh) 61 

(b)  “The  Doctrine  of  the  Mean”  (Chung  Yung)  . . 62 

(c)  “The  Analects”  (Lun  Yii) 62 

(d)  “Mencius”  (Meng  Tzu) 63 


9 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

V.  Later  Stages  of  Confucianism 65 

1.  Chu  Hsi,  or  Chucius 66 

2.  Imperial  Confucianism 67 

3.  Confucianism  Since  the  Recent  Revolution 68 

VI.  Leading  Influences  of  Confucianism 69 

1.  Confucianism  an  Ethical  System 69 

2.  Confucianism  a Social  Force 70 

3.  Confucianism  a Factor  in  Political  Life 71 

4.  Confucianism  a Leavening  Force 71 

(a)  Korean  Confucianism 71 

(b)  Japanese  Confucianism 72 

VII.  Modern  Confucianists  and  Confucian  Peoples 75 

1.  Traits  Common  to  Confucian  Peoples 75 

2.  Special  Characteristics  of  Confucian  Scholars 76 

(a)  Conservatism  in  Ethics  and  Religion 76 

(b)  The  Ethical  Emphasis 76 

(c)  Courtesy  and  Politeness 77 

3.  Modernity  as  Affecting  Confucianists 77 

4.  How  Confucianists  Regard  Christianity 77 

5.  The  Popular  Religious  Life  of  Confucian  Lands  ....  78 

(a)  In  China 78 

(b)  In  Korea 79 

(c)  In  Japan  . ‘ 79 

(d)  The  Confucian  Strain 79 

VIII.  Missionaries  to  Confucianists 80 

1.  The  Primacy  of  Character 80 

2.  Personality 80 

3.  Home  Training  for  the  Task 80 

Part  II.  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  JUNIOR  MISSIONARIES  IN  CON- 
FUCIAN LANDS 81 

I.  Additional  Items  Concerning  Confucian  Literature  ....  84 

1.  Texts  and  Introductions 84 

2.  Importance  of  the  Commentaries 84 

3.  Extra-Canonical  Confucian  Literature 84 

II.  Additional  Facts  in  the  Development  of  Confucianism  ...  85 

1.  Effect  of  “The  Burning  of  the  Books” 85 

2.  Conflicts  of  Confucianism  with  Heretics  and  Opposers  . . 86 

(a)  Leading  Heresies 86 

(b)  Official  Opposition  to  Chinese  Sectarianism  ...  86 

(c)  Confucianism’s  Official  Relation  to  Korean  Religion  89 

(d)  Relation  of  Confucianism  to  Japanese  Religions  . 90 

3.  Sung  Dynasty  Philosophers 91 

4.  Wang  Yang-ming 92 


10 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

5.  Confucianism  as  Affected  by  Other  Asiatic  Religions  ...  94 

(a)  Japanese  Religions 94 

(b)  Taoism 95 

(c)  Chinese  Buddhism 95 

III.  Confucianism’s  Contacts  with  Christianity 96 

1.  The  Nestorian  Contact 96 

2.  The  Roman  Catholic  Contact 97 

3.  The  Protestant  Contact 98 

IV.  The  Missionary’s  Attitude  Toward  Confucianism 99 

1.  It  Should  Be  Sympathetic 99 

2.  It  Should  Be  Apperceptive 99 

3.  It  Should  Be  Cordially  Appreciative 99 

4.  It  Should  Be  Scholarly 100 

5.  It  Should  Be  Brotherly  and  Courteous 100 

V.  Comparisons  and  Contrasts  Between  Christianity  and  Con- 
fucianism   100 

1.  Emphasis  on  Points  Common  to  Christianity  and  Confucianism  101 

(a)  Belief  in  a Supreme  Deity 101 

(b)  The  Recognition  of  a Divinely  Appointed  Moral  Law  101 

(c)  Doctrine  of  the  Nature  of  Man 101 

(d)  Belief  in  Existence  After  Death 102 

(e)  Exaltation  of  the  Founders  of  the  Two  Religions  . 102 

(f)  The  Idea  of  Sacrifice 102 

(g)  The  Use  of  Prayer 103 

2.  Additional  and  Distinctive  Teachings  of  Christianity  . . . 103 

(a)  Atonement  and  Salvation 103 

(b)  The  Resurrection 104 

(c)  Eschatological  Beliefs  of  Christianity  ....  104 

(d)  Worship  and  the  Sacraments 105 

(e)  Doctrine  of  the  Church 105 

(f)  Christianity’s  Enabling  Power 106 

3.  Aspects  of  Christianity  Objectionable  to  Confucianists  . . 106 

(a)  Foreign  Origin  and  Advocacy 106 

(b)  Exclusive  Character  and  Demands 107 

(c)  Social  Ideals 107 

(d)  Impracticable  Moral  Ideals 108 

(e)  Doctrine  of  Universal  Sinfulness 108 

(f)  Doctrine  of  the  Supernatural 109 

(g)  The  Divinity  and  Deity  of  Christ 109 

4.  Confucian  Views  Opposed  to  Christian  Teachings  . . . 109 

(a)  Views  of  Sin 110 

(b)  The  Sanction  of  Polygamy 110 

(c)  The  Exaggeration  of  Filial  Piety 110 

(d)  Undue  Regard  for  Deceased  Ancestors  ....  Ill 

(e)  Oracles  and  Superstitions 112 

11 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

(f)  The  Sanction  of  Polytheism 112 

(g)  Chu  Hsi’s  Views  of  God 113 

(h)  Man  only  Indirectly  Related  to  God 113 

5.  The  Antithesis  and  Synthesis 114 

VI.  Transfusing  the  Christian  Message  into  Life 115 

1.  Special  Bible  Classes 115 

2.  Knowing  Through  Doing 115 

3.  Discussions  with  Educated  Men 116 

4.  Growth  Through  Larger  Service 116 

5.  Helpful  Literature  117 

VII.  The  Needed  Power 117 

Appendix  A.  Studies  of  Special  Value  for  One  Who  Is  to  Be  a Mis- 
sionary IN  CoNFUCiAN  Lands 119 

Appendix  B.  A Brief  Course  of  Specialized  Reading  for  Far-Eastern 

Candidates 122 

Appendix  C.  An  Annotated  Bibliography  of  Literature  in  European 

Languages  Useful  for  This  Report 126 

Appendix  D.  Selected  Readings  for  Specific  Subjects 145 

Appendix  E.  Books  and  Tracts  Useful  for  Work  Among  the  Chinese  . 155 

Appendix  F.  Chinese  Words  and  Proper  Names  with  Their  Korean 

AND  Japanese  Equivalents 157 


12 


PRESENTING  THE  CHRISTIAN  MESSAGE  IN 
CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


INTRODUCTORY 

The  countries  under  consideration  are  China,  the  mother- 
land of  Confucianism,  Korea,  or  Chosen,  which  early  came 
under  its  influence,  and  Japan,  which  began  to  feel  its  touch 
later,  in  the  third  or  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  era. 
From  its  foundation  Confucianism  has  been  a system  of  be- 
lief that  mainly  affected  the  higher  classes,  as  its  canonical 
books  were  intended  for  the  education  and  enlightenment 
of  the  ruling  element  in  the  state.  Yet  it  incorporated  within 
what  was  later  known  as  Confucianism  the  animism  and 
higher  beliefs  of  the  ancient  religion  of  China,  as  well  as 
certain  Buddhistic  tendencies  in  our  era,  and  was  affected 
by  the  spirit  worship  of  Korea  and  the  Shintoism  and  Bud- 
dhism of  Japan  to  some  extent.  It  thus  came  to  be  in  a true 
sense  a system  affecting  the  religious  thought  and  practise 
of  Eastern  Asia. 

It  follows  that  in  China  where  the  traditional  phrase, 
“Three  Religions,”  meaning  thereby  Confucianism,  Taoism, 
and  Buddhism,  has  still  further  complicated  religious  think- 
ing, the  masses  cannot  definitely  reply  to  the  question,  “To 
which  of  the  three  religions  do  you  give  your  allegiance?” 
It  is  as  futile  to  make  such  an  inquiry  as  it  would  be  to  ask 
an  Occidental,  “What  medicine  do  you  take?”  Under  cer- 
tain conditions  the  Chinese  is  a Confucianist,  at  other  times 
he  is  a Buddhist  or  a Taoist.  There  is  a diminishing  class 
in  China  whose  representative,  until  the  abolition  of  the 
classical  requirements  for  degrees,  in  1905,  would  have  an- 
swered promptly  and  unequivocally,  “I  am  of  the  Sect  of  the 
Lettered” — a Confucianist.  He  and  his  fellows  became  such 
by  virtue  of  the  dearly-earned  literary  degree  which  was  the 
reward  of  long  years  of  the  most  arduous  study.  It  was  a 


13 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


very  severe  test  of  its  kind.  In  1903,  out  of  the  twenty-three 
thousand  who  contended  for  the  advanced  degree  which 
opened  the  gateway  to  official  life  and  opportunity  at  one 
of  eleven  great  examination  centers,  only  four  hundred  and 
twenty-five  achieved  their  ambition.  Yet  even  these  able  and 
distinguished  men,  at  funerals,  at  certain  feasts,  and  in  emer- 
gencies requiring  superhuman  powers,  act  as  Buddhists  or 
Taoists,  according  to  the  requirements  of  the  case.  A Chi- 
nese scholar  once  remarked:  “The  object  is  to  attain  heaven. 
One’s  chances  with  four  religions  [including  Christianity] 
are  better  than  with  one.” 

In  Korea  the  palmy  days  have  passed  of  the  yangban, 
gentleman  and  scholar,  whose  “choicest  word  was  yei,  mean- 
ing proper  form,”  and  who  used  to  sit  and  mutter  mang-kong 
at  everything,  signifying  Mencius  and  Confucius  and  also 
the  croaking  of  frogs;  yet  fifty  years  ago,  even  in  a Con- 
fucian  scholar’s  home,  one  might  have  seen  in  the  inner  court 
spirit  “nests,”  in  the  shed  room  a piece  of  cloth  or  paper  de- 
/ voted  to  the  kitchen  demon,  and  attached  to  the  side  of  the 
great  beam  of  the  deep  veranda  where  abides  the  chief  of  the 
household  spirits,  paper  and  rice,  gifts  to  that  spirit  of  the 
\ ridgepole.  The  Korean  Confucianist  cared  little  for  Bud- 
dhism, for  the  reason  that  it  lost  its  splendor  with  the  in- 
coming of  the  dynasty  of  Chosen  and  was  proscribed  in  1512. 
The  common  people,  all  the  while,  were  Confucianists  at 
New  Year  and  during  the  remaining  three  hundred  and 
sixty-five  days  were  under  the  dominion  of  evil  spirits. 

Even  enlightened  Japan  at  this  very  hour  lives  in  three 
religious  compartments.  In  matters  of  state,  the  Japanese 
are  Shintoists,  albeit  the  Government  has  declared  that  Shin- 
toism is  not  a religion  strictly  speaking.  The  duties  of  daily 
life  belong  to  the  Confucian  compartment.  As  for  the  fu- 
ture world,  that  is  Buddhism’s  special  concern.  Such  an 
adjustment  does  not  appear  at  all  unreasonable  to  the  aver- 
age Japanese  thinker.  If  we  look,  however,  to  the  educa- 


14 


INTRODUCTORY 


tional  authorities  of  the  Empire  for  a suggestion  as  to  choice 
of  religion,  they  would  favor  most  the  Confucian  system. 
As  Professor  Inouye  asserts:  “Ever  since  its  foundation, 
it  has  been  looked  up  to  as  the  guide  of  everyday  life  by  the 
people  of  the  Oriental  nations  and  has  exercised  a power- 
ful influence  over  their  minds  for  more  than  twenty-three 
hundred  years.” 

If  one  should  seek  to  define  the  central  religious  interest 
of  these  three  countries  the  worship  of  ancestors  would 
surely  be  named.  Compare  the  recent  book,  “Civilization  of 
India,  China  and  Japan,”  by  G.  L.  Dickinson.  This  is  a cult 
which  while  antecedent  to  Confucianism  dominates  Confu- 
cian countries  everywhere,  from  the  hovel  of  the  commoner 
to  the  Kyoto  palace  where  the  present  Emperor  was  crowned, 
and  to  the  Altar  of  Heaven  where  the  late  President  Yiian 
Shih-k‘ai  under  a republic  reinstated  a worship  which  made 
the  spirits  of  the  ancestors  assessors  ^ with  Shang  Ti,  or 
Heaven,  and  in  a way  even  more  highly  regarded  than  under 
the  old  regime.  Ancestor  worship  is  the  Gibraltar  of  Chi- 
nese religion,  and  every  grave  of  China  echoes  back  the  de- 
fiance of  a faith  that  will  not  brook  any  interference  with 
these  holy  evidences  of  filial  piety.  Japanese  occupation  has 
not  modified  the  Korean  Confucianist’s  chief  aim  in  life, 
which  is  to  beget  a son  who  will  sacrifice  to  his  shades  when 
he  is  dead  and  gone.  In  the  fulfilment  of  this  great  concern, 
the  Korean  yangban  will  wear  mourning  for  as  long  a period 
as  three  years;  while  a succession  of  fasts  and  feasts,  re- 
quiring forms  of  dress  and  outlays  of  money  far  beyond 
his  means,  will  consume  more  time  and  money  than  is  left 
for  his  family’s  living. 

The  missionary  candidate  who  is  preparing  himself  to  go 
to  any  of  these  Far-Eastern  countries  must  realize  that  any 
study  of  religions  and  of  the  wisest  evangelical  approach  to 

* An  “assessor”  in  Confucianism  is  a disciple,  immediate  or  remote,  of  the  Sage,  who  by 
Imperial  decree  has  been  granted  the  right  to  be  associated  with  the  Sage  in  a Confucian 
temple.  Here  Imperial  spirits  are  regarded  as  assessors  of  Shang  Ti. 


15 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


their  votaries  cannot  be  confined  to  what  one  finds  in  books 
relating  to  animism,  to  Shintoism,  to  Taoism,  to  Buddhism, 
or  even  to  Confucianism  alone.  Synthesis  and  syncretism 
enter  into  the  religions  of  the  Far  East  to  an  extent  that 
must  be  seen  to  be  fully  appreciated.  Chinese  scholars  and 
officials  not  infrequently  propose  to  select  the  desirable  ele- 
ments from  all  religions  in  order  to  make  a superior  system 
for  China  at  the  threshold  of  a new  era.  Something  should 
be  known  about  all  phases  of  the  popular  religion,  if  one  is 
to  understand  the  thought  and  deeper  needs  and  aspirations 
of  the  half  billion  who  are  ignorant  of  the  Christian  idea 
of  God.  If  one’s  future  work  is  likely  to  be  almost  exclu- 
sively with  the  uneducated  classes,  or  with  women,  the  Bud- 
dhism of  China  or  Japan  would  require  special  emphasis. 
If  the  future  is  likely  to  be  spent  among  students,  or  if  one 
is  ambitious  to  reach  men  of  influence  as  scholars  and  leaders 
in  the  community,  the  candidate  should  lay  principal  empha- 
sis upon  Confucianism,  though  without  neglecting  as  minor 
studies  Buddhism,  and  in  Japan  Shintoism.  Everywhere 
ancestor  worship  demands  thorough-going  study. 

The  one  who  goes  to  China  as  a missionary  will  find  even 
among  the  educated  classes  two  groups,  the  old  literati  class, 
numerous  and  influential,  holding  in  large  measure  to  their 
old  ideals,  yet  considerably  influenced  by  Western  ideas,  and 
the  younger  men  of  that  class,  who  represent  a point  of  view 
in  which  Western  ideas  have  gained  the  ascendancy  and  yet 
are  powerfully  influenced  by  the  old  ideals.  An  absence  of 
an  intelligent  knowledge  of  Confucianism  will  practically 
preclude  the  young  missionary  from  securing  results  among 
these  strategic  groups.  Moreover,  so  universally  are  the 
precepts  and  ethical  ideas  of  Confucius  revered  by  all  classes 
in  China  that  a practical  working  knowledge  of  them  is  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  every  Christian  worker. 

This  report,  therefore,  has  a twofold  objective.  It  aims  to 
help  all  candidates  for  Confucian  lands  to  understand  the 


16 


INTRODUCTORY 


leading  ideas  of  Confucianism  as  seen  in  its  personalities 
and  writings,  as  well  as  to  appreciate  the  tremendous  power 
of  the  system  of  ethics  and  religion  that  has  moulded  the 
life  and  determined  the  thinking  of  more  billions  than  have 
been  affected  similarly  by  the  deeper,  truer  thinking,  the 
spotless  example  and  the  saving  death  of  Jesus  Christ.  They 
are  planning  to  spend  their  lives  in  lands  whose  civilization 
and  better  aspirations  are  as  truly  Confucian  as  ours  are 
Christian,  and  which  for  that  reason  are  not  understood  and 
truly  evaluated  by  those  educated  under  Western  ideals.  A 
missionary  to  the  Far  East  needs  to  be  orientated  as  early 
and  as  fully  as  possible ; the  present  studies  should  help  him 
to  become  so. 

But  he  should  desire  more  than  this.  Christianity,  though 
intended  for  the  entire  world,  was  born  in  Asia  in  the  Near 
East.  Thence  it  spread  westward  and  for  centuries  re- 
mained as  the  possession  of  Europe,  where  it  was  occident- 
alized  in  many  respects.  In  time  it  crossed  the  Atlantic  and 
became  the  corner-stone  of  North- American  civilization  and 
life.  Here  it  has  received  accretions  which  have  added  vital- 
ity and  aggressiveness,  but  subtracted  simplicity  from  the 
original  faith.  As  the  star  of  spiritual  empire  has  gone  on 
its  westward  way  to  the  Far  East,  there  to  meet  the  demands 
and  build  up  the  life  of  Oriental  peoples,  it  again  reaches 
the  birth  continent  of  Christianity  with  its  aggregation  of 
diverse  races.  Just  as  Anglo-Saxons  have  done  much  to 
change  the  forms  and  thought  of  Christianity,  so  we  shall 
inevitably  see  the  Far  East  make  its  impress  upon  that 
faith.  The  missionary  now  preparing  for  China  or  Japan 
will  see  many  changes  before  his  work  is  done,  and  he  should 
be  ready  to  guide  and  variously  influence  Christianity  as  it 
receives  a new  acclimatization  and  nationalizing.  Such 
guidance  will  demand  a profound  and  catholic  knowledge  of 
religious  fundamentals,  a broad  range  of  social  and  national 
possibilities  of  development  and  an  intimate  knowledge  of 


17 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


and  sympathy  with  the  peoples  who  are  to  receive  and  modify 
our  most  holy  religion.  Most  of  all  it  calls  for  an  acquaint- 
ance with  the  sources  of  their  everyday  thinking, 

A second  aim  of  this  report  is  to  guide  the  special  studies 
of  junior  missionaries  who  are  actually  at  work  in  China, 
Korea  and  Japan,  so  that  they  may  not  only  be  ambitious  to 
gain  a scholarly  knowledge  of  Confucianism,  but  be  directed 
toward  the  achievement  of  real  results.  The  instruction  of 
greatest  value  will,  of  course,  be  gained  on  the  field  under 
the  training  school  system,  so  admirably  begun  in  Japan  and 
China,  which  aims  to  provide  not  alone  for  language  mas- 
tery and  for  immediate  familiarity  with  the  field,  but  also 
for  the  studies  of  succeeding  years.  Very  slight  provision 
has  been  made  thus  far  for  the  more  intensive,  original 
studies  contemplated  in  this  report.  Only  a small  percentage 
of  missionaries  in  China,  Korea  or  Japan  have  seized  the 
few  opportunities  that  have  existed.  They  who  have  done 
this  have  found  their  rich  reward  in  the  respect,  confidence 
and  influence  which  is  theirs.  The  lines  of  study,  herein 
suggested,  will  undoubtedly  call  for  the  preparation  of  man- 
uals for  the  specific  direction  of  those  who  attempt  to  follow 
them.  Even  to-day  in  China  students  and  many  of  the  older 
literati  are  willing  and  often  eager  to  discuss  the  fundamen- 
tals of  western  civilisation;  and  they  are  ready  to  grant 
Christianity’s  central  place  in  the  order  which  is  being  in- 
troduced from  America  and  Europe.  When  religion  enters 
into  the  discussion,  however,  not  a few  of  the  junior  mission- 
aries find  themselves  at  a great  disadvantage  because  they 
are  ignorant  of  all  except  the  rudiments  of  Confucianism, 
which  is  the  only  religion  likely  to  be  set  up  as  a rival  of 
Christianity  in  China,  though  Buddhism  might  be  so  used 
in  Japan.  It  is  hoped  that  suggestions  incorporated  in  this 
report  may  prove  helpful  to  such  persons,  as  they  may  set 
apart  time  for  this  highly  important  study  in  the  hurried  life 
of  the  field,  and  during  their  first  furlough.  The  extent  to 


18 


INTRODUCTORY 


which  the  studies  here  outlined  shall  be  carried  will  vary,  of 
course,  with  the  missionary’s  time,  with  his  sense  of  need 
for  an  ample  or  a general  knowledge  of  the  various  subjects, 
and  with  the  apparatus  available  to  him  for  the  mastery  of 
China’s  classical  language  and  its  abundant  literature. 

In  view  of  this  twofold  purpose,  the  report  is  divided  into 
two  parts,  the  first  for  the  guidance  of  the  candidate  study- 
ing and  reading  at  home,  the  second  by  way  of  suggestion 
to  junior  missionaries,  or  to  others  in  Korea  and  Japan  who 
after  many  years  find  it  desirable  to  increase  their  useful- 
ness by  an  ampler  knowledge  of  Confucianism  than  they 
have  found  it  necessary  to  possess  heretofore.  This  latter 
class  will  probably  find  little  that  will  aid  them  in  the  gen- 
eral presentation,  since  it  represents  their  own  experience, 
but  the  bibliography  and  the  appendixes  may  prove  helpful. 

Whoever  makes  use  of  the  report  is  urged  to  read  it 
through  with  great  care  at  the  outset.  The  candidate  may 
not  find  Part  II  immediately  useful,  but  he  should  gain 
some  conception  of  the  wide-ranging  task  that  awaits  him 
on  the  field.  Out  of  his  general  reading  may  come  many 
suggestions  which  will  be  of  value  later  on.  He  may  even 
be  able  to  anticipate  some  lines  of  preparation  for  the  tech- 
nical studies  of  his  life  as  a junior  missionary.  Part  I,  how- 
ever, covers  the  themes  and  studies  of  direct  advantage  to 
the  missionary  candidate.  Those  who  have  very  little  time 
at  their  disposal  should  pay  attention  to  those  paragraphs 
alone  which  are  prefixed  by  an  asterisk  (*). 

Part  I.  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  CANDIDATES  FOR 
THE  FAR  EAST 

While  it  is  true  that  with  the  abolition  of  the  old  classical 
examination  system  as  the  necessary  preliminary  for  official 
appointment  in  China  the  Confucianist,  in  a distinctly  tech- 
nical sense,  began  to  disappear  a decade  ago,  the  scholars 


19 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


and  students  of  that  country  and.  the  scholars  of  Korea  are 
dominantly  Confucian  in  their  ideas  and  ideals.  In  Japan 
relatively  few  educated  men  would  call  themselves  Confu- 
cianists,  and  modern  students  of  that  Empire  would  dislike 
to  be  so  designated.  As  the  common  people  of  all  three 
countries  never  were  regarded  as  Confucianists,  technically 
so  called,  although,  of  course,  their  habits  of  mind  and  points 
of  view  have  been  unconsciously  moulded  upon  Confucian 
standards,  the  missionary  candidate  may  ask  the  question, 
“Why,  then,  should  so  much  stress  be  laid  to-day  upon  the 
study  of  Confucianism  by  one  going  to  the  Far  East?”  A 
statement  regarding  conditions  there  will  make  the  impor- 
tance of  the  task  more  evident. 


I.  The  Confucian  Situation  in  the  Far  East 

1.  In  Japan. — This  is  the  land  in  which  the  present  studies 
are  likely  to  be  of  least  importance.  The  reason  for  this 
will  appear  from  the  following  statement  sent  to  the  Com- 
mittee by  Secretary  S.  H.  Wainright,  D.D.,  of  the  Christian 
Literature  Society  of  Japan: 

“Confucianism  some  years  ago  in  Japan  was  a matter  of  conviction 
among  the  intellectual  classes,  as  it  is  to  a great  degree  in  China  at 
the  present  time.  But  the  missionary  in  Japan  has  not  found  it  neces- 
sary to  antagonize  Confucianism.  The  forces  at  work  under  modern 
conditions  have  undermined  and  set  aside  the  traditional  ethical 
system  which  seemed  so  formidable  an  obstacle  in  the  path  of  the 
missionary  in  the  early  period  of  his  work  after  the  opening  of  Japan. 

“To  be  more  specific,  I would  mention  the  fact  that  (1)  the  study 
of  the  Chinese  language  in  the  schools  has  been  gradually  replaced  by 
a study  of  modern  European  languages.  Inasmuch  as  Confucianism 
is  embodied  in  the  Chinese  classical  writings,  their  influence  has  waned 
as  a result  of  the  decreased  interest  in  Chinese  linguistic  studies.  (2) 
Confucianism  in  Japan  is  no  longer  established  officially,  and  the 
removal  of  this  prop  at  the  close  of  the  Tokugawa  period  has  been 
greatly  to  the  disadvantage  of  Confucianism  as  a positive  system  of 


20 


THE  CONFUCIAN  SITUATION 


ethics  or  religion.  (3)  The  scholarship  of  Japan,  the  product  of  modern 
education,  has  drifted  away  from  the  Confucian  point  of  view  and  has 
become  impatient  with  a system  conceived  on  feudal  lines.  Most 
notable  in  this  respect  is  the  life-work  of  the  late  Mr.  Fukuzawa  the 
object  of  which,  resulting  in  founding  the  Keio  University,  was  to 
overcome  Confucianism  as  a system  outgrown  by  the  times.  I would 
mention  that  (4)  the  rising  tide  of  democracy  on  all  mission  fields  is 
quietly  sweeping  away  the  traditions  and  ideals  of  the  past,  and  this 
is  especially  true  in  China  and  Japan.  The  schools  are  open  to  all 
classes,  in  Japan  for  example,  and  the  effect  has  been  disintegrating 
to  Confucianism  which  has  been  the  creed  of  respectability  among  the 
Japanese  ruling  classes.  This  popular  wave  is  the  cardinal  fact  in  the 
missionary  situation.  The  spirit  of  unrest,  revolt  and  anarchy  is 
growing,  and  the  leaders  whose  voices  are  most  potent  with  the  move- 
ment are  men  in  Western  countries.  Tolstoy  has  more  weight  in 
Japan  than  Confucius.  Twenty  years  ago  Spencer,  Mill,  Huxley  and 
Haeckel  were  looked  to  as  representatives  of  modernism.  But  now  it 
is  the  Russian  writers,  and  such  men  as  Ibsen  and  Nietzsche,  Bernard 
Shaw  and  Oscar  Wilde,  and  a host  of  others  whose  names  might  be 
given,  all  of  whom  occupy  a point  of  view  antagonistic  to  traditional- 
ism, not  in  the  East  but  in  the  West,  and  all  of  whom  in  one  form 
or  another  interpret  the  new  democracy. 

“Hence  in  the  determination  of  the  form  of  missionary  training,  it 
resolves  itself  into  a question  as  to  whether  candidates  should  be  pre- 
pared specifically  to  deal  with  the  passing  order,  or  with  the  coming 
order  of  things ; to  seek  to  achieve  by  direct  missionary  propagandism 
what  is  being  brought  about  silently  by  the  working  of  historical  forces ; 
to  go  out  obsessed  by  the  idea  that  their  efficiency  will  depend  upon 
their  ability  to  overcome  convictions  rooted  in  a past  and  incomplete 
tradition,  while  their  most  difficult  and  important  task  will  be  to  re- 
establish positive  convictions  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  men  and 
women  about  whom  everything  is  loosening  and  undergoing  transition 
and  even  disintegration.  It  is  a question  as  to  whether  it  is  wise  or 
not  to  attack  a dying  organism,  when  the  result  of  the  attack  will  more 
likely  quicken  the  waning  life  and  energies  than  hasten  the  processes 
of  death.  . . . 

“Having  said  this  with  regard  to  the  broader  aspects  of  the  question, 
let  me  remark  that  the  paper  drawn  up  is  an  admirable  piece  of  work 
and  covers  the  ground  comprehensively  and  with  discrimination.  -The 
reading  of  such  a presentation  of  Confucianism  will  serve  to  fortify 


21 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


the  mind  of  the  young  candidate,  especially  if  the  task  is  undertaken 
with  the  guidance  of  an  intelligent  teacher,  against  the  perplexity  so 
many  missionaries  experience  in  their  first  impressions  of  Confucian- 
ism. I refer  of  course  to  their  surprise  in  finding  exalted  ethical  ideas 
of  ancient  origin  among  the  ‘heathen  Chinese.’  ” 

Another  view  of  the  situation  is  given  by  Sidney  L,  Gulick, 
D.D.,  who  like  Dr.  Wainright  has  labored  for  Japan  almost 
thirty  years; 

“All  Japanese  students  in  the  middle  schools  and  upward  study  Con- 
fucian  ethics.  Accordingly  every  missionary  in  Japan  ought  to  have 
a knowledge  of  the  main  outlines  of  Confucianism,  in  its  pure  forms 
and  then  in  its  Japanese  form.  He  ought  to  commit  to  memory  a 
score  of  their  moral  maxims  in  the  form  in  which  they  are  used  in 
Japan.  If  he  knows  and  can  use  a score  of  quotations  easily  and 
correctly,  he  will  be  reputed  to  know  a hundred.  And  having  mas- 
tered a score,  he  will  learn  by  hearing  the  preachers  and  lecturers.  . . . 

“This  manual  is  so  brief  and  contains  so  little  that  the  average  mis- 
sionary would  not  be  profited  by  knowing  that  [it  should  be  read 
throughout].  The  student  going  to  Japan  who  has  only  a few  days 
[to  devote  to  the  subject],  could  hardly  do  better  than  read  and  reread 
until  he  can  give  the  substance  of  the  differing  definitions  and  then 
absorb  Professor  Harada’s  ‘The  Faith  of  Japan.’  ’’ 

After  advising  that  a list  of  Japanese  teachers  of  Confu- 
cianism should  be  given,  he  adds: 

“Even  a little  knowledge  of  this  kind  would  give  the  missionary  a 
standing  and  secure  for  him  a respect  not  to  be  overlooked.  It  would 
also  give  him  contact  with  Japanese  and  opportunity  to  pick  up  fresh 
knowledge  that  would  otherwise  entirely  escape  him.  . . . Every  mis- 
sionary, at  least  the  men,  should  have  some  knowledge  of  Japanese 
Confucianism.” 

Rev.  Dr.  Schneder  of  Sendai,  an  eminent  educator,  be- 
lieves that  it  is  wise  to  help  missionaries  to  know  Confucian- 
ism more  thoroughly.  He  instances  cases  where  Confucian 
ideas  have  been  the  stepping-stones  to  Christian  belief,  also 
calling  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  stronghold  of  Japanese 
opposition  to  Christianity  is  the  Confucian  exaltation  of 

22 


THE  CONFUCIAN  SITUATION 


loyalty  and  filial  piety.  The  fear  that  Christian  views  will 
weaken  such  worthy  traits  is  the  main  objection  of  the 
Japanese  to  Christian  missions.  Though  admitting  that  Con- 
fucianism in  that  Empire  is  scarcely  a religion  at  all,  being 
without  shrines  and  worship  and  merely  ethical  in  its  teach- 
ings, he  adds  that  such  a course  of  studies  “should  be  im- 
measurably helpful  to  those  who  are  to  give  their  lives  to 
work  in  Japan.” 

2.  In  Korea. — Confucianism  in  this  recent  addition  to  the 
Japanese  Empire  differs  diametrically  from  that  of  Japan. 
The  Rev.  James  S.  Gale,  D.D.,  one  of  the  foremost  scholars 
of  Korea,  writes: 

“I  imagine  a very  much  larger  proportion  are  rightly  known  as 
literati,  or  Confucianists,  than  in  China.  . . . Great  floods  of  barbarian 
races  have  swept  over  China,  the  Tatars,  the  Mongols,  the  Manchus; 
whereas  Korea,  a thoroughly  Confucianized  state  since  ancient  times, 
has  remained  untouched.  Japan  ...  is  at  heart  Buddhist;  Confu- 
cianism is  an  exotic  growth.  In  Korea  we  may  say  that  it  is  indige- 
nous ; Confucianism  is  now  a part  of  the  bone  and  fiber.  . . . Confu- 
cianists have  given  a very  kindly  reception  to  Christianity.  Our  best 
leaders  to-day  were  staunch  Confucianists.  Their  knowledge  of  the 
‘Five  Constituents  of  Worth’  brought  them  into  sympathy  with  us 
from  the  earliest  days.  Also  their  knowledge  of  God,  the  term  for 
whom  has  unfortunately  been  too  often  translated  Heaven  by  the 
foreigner.  Koreans  insist  upon  translating  from  the  ‘Analects’  thus ; 
‘If  we  sin  against  God  there  is  no  place  for  prayer.’  ‘Whom  will  you 
deceive?  Will  you  deceive  God?’  not  Heaven,  etc.  This  acquaintance 
with  God  brought  Confucianists  into  sympathy  with  us.  Buddhists 
oppose  us  bitterly.  . . . As  missionaries  we  cannot  get  anywhere  near 
to  a Buddhist,  while  we  win  the  hearing  of  the  Confucian  at  once.  No 
matter  how  much  knowledge  the  foreign  missionary  may  have  of  Con- 
fucianism, he  could  never  expect  to  hold  his  own  in  an  argument  with 
the  native,  that  is  from  the  native’s  point  of  view,  nor  should  he  ever 
try  to.  But  very  little  knowledge  and  a reasonable  sympathy  with  the 
good  points  pertaining  to  Confucianism — and  they  are  many — will 
bring  him  into  a tender  touch  with  the  Oriental  such  as  nothing  else 
will  accomplish.” 

His  general  position  regarding  the  studies  which  are  here 


23 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


suggested,  and  to  which  he  gives  his  highest  and  heartiest 
approval,  is  thus  stated  by  Dr.  Gale: 

“It  will  mean  a new  day  in  missionary  work  when  students  take  up 
reasonably  and  sympathetically  the  study  of  the  native  view-point. 
The  great  lack  to-day  is  the  fact  that  the  missionary  lives  wholly  in 
his  Western  world  and  expects  the  Oriental  to  take  what  he  offers  him, 
without  any  thought  that  the  East  may  have  much  for  him  to  kindly 
look  into  and  study.  The  important  question,  What  constitutes  sym- 
pathy with  an  Oriental  race?  can  best.be  answered  by  the  statement, 
A knowledge  of  their  religious  views,  their  poetry  and  their  form  of 
government,  but  their  religion  comes  first  and  foremost.” 

Another  distinguished  Korean  scholar  belonging  to  the 
pioneer  group  of  Protestant  missionaries  to  that  country, 
the  late  Dr.  H.  G.  Underwood,  had  this  to  say  of  the  value 
of  a study  of  the  religions  of  the  Far  East: 

“When  the  Korean  with  his  worship  of  the  Heavens  and  his  strong 
filial  devotion,  combined  nevertheless  with  his  hourly  dread  of  the 
powers  of  the  air,  learns  that  the  ‘Great  One,’  whom  he  has  never 
ceased  to  revere,  is  not  only  supreme,  but  alone,  and  that  these  lower 
lesser  evil  powers,  the  objects  of  his  life-long  dread,  are  mere  creatures 
of  his  imagination,  that  the  only  God  who  exists  is  the  one  of  love, 
wisdom,  justice  and  truth,  he  is  ready  to  give  undivided  allegiance  to 
Him.  When  he,  standing  by  his  simple  altars,  where,  with  neither 
image  nor  spirit  tablet,  his  fathers  have  worshiped  the  God  of  Heaven, 
learns  that  God  is  a spirit  and  that  they  who  worship  Him  must  do 
so  in  spirit  and  in  truth,  he  believes  this  is  the  God  of  his  fathers. 
When  still  further  he  peruses  his  oldest  histories  and  reads  that  his 
most  ancient  king  Tangun  had  built  an  altar  in  Kangwha  and  there 
worshiped  his  ‘father  God,’  ‘the  Creator,’  he  is  more  than  ready  to 
say,  ‘This  and  no  other  shall  be  our  God.’ 

“This  study,  then,  of  the  theistic  conceptions  obtaining  in  China, 
Japan  and  Korea  as  compared  with  those  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments will,  I believe,  have  led  us  to  the  place  where  we  can  better 
appreciate  the  view-point  of  these  people,  but  at  the  same  time  has 
clearly  demonstrated  both  the  inability  of  their  existing  systems  to 
give  the  highest  ideals  of  deity,  as  well  as  the  absolute  insufficiency  of 
their  religions  to  solve  the  problems  of  life,  or  to  provide  for  the 
crying  needs  of  man’s  nature.” 


24 


THE  CONFUCIAN  SITUATION 


3.  In  China. — “The  Throneless  King”  is  no  mere  empty 
phrase  as  applied  to  Confucius.  His  personality  and  his 
teachings,  extended  and  enriched  by  Mencius  and  the  com- 
mentaries of  Chu  Hsi,  have  been  the  important  human  fac- 
tors in  making  China  what  she  has  been  through  twenty-four 
centuries  and  more.  When  the  new  regime  was  ushered  in, 
a score  of  years  ago,  by  the  famous  Chang  Chih-tung’s  book 
entitled  “Ch'iian  Hsiieh  Pien,”  translated  under  another 
name,  “China’s  Only  Hope,”  the  ancient  empire  was  startled 
by  her  great  viceroy’s  bitter  cry,  “Confucianism  is  in  dan- 
ger !”  The  central  ideal  of  his  book,  “Hsiieh,”  “learn,”  was 
the  panacea  which  he  exhorted  men  to  use  to  save  the  nation 
from  foreign  aggression.  But  he  felt  the  inevitable  oncom- 
ing of  the  Occidental  flood  and  exhorted  his  countrymen  to 
follow  Mencius’  advice,  “to  select  what  is  important  and 
leave  the  rest.”  And  it  so  happens  that  since  the  coup  d’etat 
of  1898  China  has  been  casting  olT  the  old  and  taking  on 
the  new  with  increasing  celerity,  particularly  since  the  revo- 
lution of  1911.  The  increasing  neglect  of  the  study  of  the 
Confucian  Classics  which  had  been  the  result  of  a change 
in  the  examination  system  six  years  before,  made  this  ancient 
system  tremble  on  its  age-old  foundations.  Events  since 
the  establishment  of  the  Republic  have  still  further  altered 
conditions.  In  consequence,  the  corporation  of  “The  Sect 
of  the  Lettered”  is  no  longer  being  continued. 

The  attempts  within  recent  years  of  groups  of  Confucian 
scholars  in  China  to  rehabilitate  Confucianism  by  establish- 
ing Confucian  societies  and  even  by  founding  a K'ung  Chiao, 
or  Confucian  church,  have  not  succeeded  in  restoring  or 
maintaining  the  original  position  of  Confucianism  in  the 
official  life  of  the  country  and  have  resulted  in  considerable 
impairment  of  the  old  system.  Yet  all  these  and  other  fac- 
tors arising  from  the  new  Republic  have  not  banished  its 
influence.  China  is  built  on  the  foundations  of  Confucianism 
as  truly  as  North  America  is  Christian  in  its  civilization  and 


25 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


interpretation.  The  missionary  to  China  cannot  hope  to 
understand  its  people,  its  institutions  even  as  modified  by 
republican  ideas,  its  languages  and  literature,  its  subtle  race 
character,  its  heritage  from  antiquity,  without  knowing 
something  of  Confucianism — and  the  more  the  better.  It 
may  be  a matter  of  choice  whether  the  missionary  to  Korea 
or  Japan  knows  much  about  this  system;  with  the  efficient 
missionary  to  China,  such  knowledge  is  a necessity.  The 
China  of  to-day  cannot  be  understood  without  an  acquaint- 
ance with  Confucius;  the  history  and  achievements  of  the 
nation  can  be  interpreted  best  through  an  insight  into  Con- 
fucianism. Probably  the  most  interesting  spot  in  all  China 
is  his  grave,  not  far  from  T‘ai-an  Fu,  in  the  northeastern 
province  of  Shan-tung.  It  is  still  intact  and  in  good  order 
after  the  lapse  of  nearly  twenty-five  centuries  and  is  visited 
by  multitudes.  Seventy  generations  of  his  descendants  bear 
powerful  witness  to  the  stability  of  China. 

Perhaps  it  is  true  that  no  other  great  nation  has  accepted 
so  apathetically  as  its  own  a trio  of  religions.  As  already 
stated,  Taoism  and  Buddhism  are  mentioned  in  the  same 
phrase  with  this  religion  and  coexist  in  everybody’s  thought 
and  experience.  Hence  religion  in  China  must  be  consid- 
ered as  a whole  and  not  merely  as  Confucianism,  or  as  either 
of  those  two  separately.  Yet  neither  Buddha  nor  Lao  Tzu  is 
the  “Throneless  King” ; and  as  “a  sky  without  a sun”  is  the 
Chinese  way  of  expressing  the  idea  of  unreason  or  nonsense, 
Confucius  and  his  system  must  be  central  in  all  such  study. 
“There  are  not  two  suns  in  the  sky,  nor  two  rulers  of  the 
people”;  Confucius  is  supreme  in  certain  realms  of  China’s 
religious  life. 

II.  Definition  and  Character  of  Confucianism 

Coming  more  directly  to  the  subject  under  consideration, 
it  is  well  first  of  all  to  know  as  clearly  as  may  be  what  is 

26 


THE  NATURE  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


meant  by  Confucianism.  The  following  definitions  and 
characterizations  by  representative  writers  will  shed  light 
on  the  subject. 

1.  ^Various  Definitions  of  Confucianism. — The  word  is 
of  varied  content  in  the  three  countries  where  Confucianism 
prevails,  and  also  at  different  periods  in  a given  country,  as 
the  following  paragraphs  will  make  evident. 

(a)  *Dr.  Ernst  Faber. — This  foremost  German  author- 
ity on  the  subject  in  his  “Systematical  Digest  of  the  Doc- 
trines of  Confucius,”  would  restrict  Confucianism  to  the 
narrower  limits,  and  in  his  brief  resume  he  confines  himself 
to  what  is  taught  in  “the  three  principal  books  of  Confucian- 
ism,” the  “Analects,”  “Great  Learning”  and  “Doctrine  of 
the  Mean.”  Holding  that  “there  is  a sharp  line  of  demarca- 
tion to  be  drawn  between  the  historical  Confucius  and  the 
one  who  is  wrapped  up  in  the  incense  of  sacrifices — between 
the  doctrine  which  was  promulgated  by  himself  and  the  ex- 
planations of  later  centuries,” — Dr.  Faber  confines  himself 
in  this  little  volume  to  “original  authorities,  both  with  regard 
to  the  few  sayings  which  are  put  into  the  mouth  of  Confu- 
cius himself,  as  also  to  the  oldest  expositions  recognized  by 
the  Chinese  as  genuine  for  more  than  two  thousand  years. 
. . . Confucius  is  esteemed  as  the  culmination  of  the  Chi- 
nese mind,  as  regards  ethics  on  one  side  and  politics  and 
literature  on  the  other.”  ^ 

In  the  same  author’s  “Mind  of  Mencius,”  who,  he  asserts, 
is  “now  the  darling  of  the  Chinese”  and  of  whose  writings 
he  says  that  “out  of  the  whole  range  of  their  literature  there 
is  no  other  work  which  is  such  a living  reality  as  Mencius,” 
he  is  so  anxious  to  represent  exactly  that  philosopher’s  views 
that  he  uses  only  in  part  the  standard  translation  of  Dr. 
Legge.  His  reason  for  so  doing  is  that  that  prince  of  British 
Sinologues  follows  mainly  the  explanations  of  Chu  Hsi,  while 
Dr.  Faber  uses  “the  newest  and  best  commentary,  the  Meng- 

' “Systematical  Digest,”  pp.  1,  2. 

27 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


tsu  Ching-i,”  because  there  are  very  few  new  views  to  be 
found  in  it,  the  commentary  of  Chou  Chi  (about  108  A.D.) 
being  renewed  and  strengthened  and  used  against  that  of 
Chu  Hsi,  who  lived  fifteen  hundred  years  after  Mencius  and 
introduced  his  materialistic  notions  into  that  philosopher’s 
works. 

Yet  in  his  paper  on  the  subject  presented  to  the  World’s 
Parliament  of  Religions  in  1893,  Dr.  Faber  himself  took  the 
broader  view  of  the  system : 

“Confucianism  comprises  all  the  Chinese  doctrines  and  practices 
acknowledged  by  Confucius  himself  and  his  best  followers  in  ancient 
and  modern  times  during  a period  of  2,400  years  of  Chinese  thought 
and  life.  Confucianism  is,  therefore,  the  key  to  a deeper  understand- 
ing of  China  and  the  Chinese.  . . . Confucius,  who  professed  to  be  a 
transmitter,  not  an  originator,  received  his  ideas  from  ancient  records 
of  which  he  collected  and  published  what  suited  his  purpose  in  the  Five 
Sacred  Books.  To  these  were  added  his  own  sayings,  the  ‘Analects,’ 
and  centuries  later  a few  other  works,  till  the  canon  of  the  Chinese 
Sacred  Scriptures  was  completed  in  the  7th  [ ?]  century  of  our  era.”  ^ 

We  quote  one  other  paragraph  from  Dr.  Faber,  in  which 
he  sets  forth  the  leading  purpose  of  the  writings  of  Con- 
fucianism’s two  greatest  founders : 

“Mencius  is,  like  his  master  Confucius,  simply  a teacher  of  political 
economy.  To  him  the  state  is  the  sum  of  all  human  endeavors,  natural 
and  civilized,  working  together  as  a united  organization.  Through 
his  direct  opposition  to  the  socialist,  and  in  lesser  degree  to  the  sensa- 
tionalist, Mencius  saw  himself  necessitated  to  base  his  political  econ- 
omy upon  ethics  and  his  ethics  upon  the  doctrine  of  man’s  nature.  The 
ethical  problem  is  for  him  the  utmost  development  of  all  good  elements 
of  man’s  nature.  The  duty  of  the  state  as  a whole  is  to  offer  the  means 
for  realizing  this  supreme  object,  and  the  government  should  con- 
sciously bend  its  energies  to  the  attainment  of  the  same.”  ^ 

(b)  *Dr.  /.  Legge. — His  translations  of  the  Confucian 
canon  are  on  the  whole  the  standard  English  version,  so  to 
speak,  of  the  “Four  Books”  and  “Five  Classics.”  His  Con- 

* “Systematical  Digest,”  pp.  100,  101. 

’ “Mind  of  Mencius,”  pp.  18,  19. 


28 


THE  NATURE  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


fucian  studies  are  so  profound  that  this  definition  is  worthy 
of  careful  note : 

“I  must  define  at  the  outset  in  what  sense  I wish  that  term  [Confu- 
cianism] to  be  understood.  No  name  current  among  men  is  more  fully 
historical  than  that  of  Confucius.  We  know  the  years  and  the  months 
and  the  days  of  the  months  in  which  he  was  born  and  died.  We  see 
him  moving  on  the  stage  of  his  country  for  between  seventy  and  eighty 
years  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  before  our  Christian  era.  But 
the  religion  of  China  does  not  date  from  this  time.  It  has  been  said, 
indeed,  but  incautiously,  that  ‘without  Confucius,  China  had  been  with- 
out a native  religion.’  The  Sage,  no  doubt,  helped  to  preserve  the 
ancient  religion  of  his  country,  and  it  may  be  said  that  it  took  some 
tinge  through  him  from  his  own  character  and  views ; but  more  than 
this  cannot  be  affirmed.  What  he  claimed  for  himself  was  to  be  a 
‘transmitter  and  not  a maker,  believing  in  and  loving  the  ancients’ ; 
that  he  ‘was  fond  of  antiquity  and  earnest  in  seeking  knowledge  there.’ 
What  his  grandson  claimed  for  him  was  that  he  handed  down  (the 
doctrines  of)  Yao  and  Shun,  as  if  they  had  been  his  ancestors  and 
elegantly  displayed  (the  regulations  of)  Wan  and  Wu,  taking  them  as 
his  models.  I use  the  term  Confucianism,  therefore,  as  covering  first 
of  all  the  ancient  religion  of  China,  and  then  the  views  of  the  great 
philosopher  himself  in  illustration  or  modification  of  it, — his  views  as 
committed  to  writing  by  himself,  or  transmitted  in  the  narratives  of 
his  disciples.  The  case  is  pretty  much  as  when  we  comprehend  under 
Christianity  the  records  and  teachings  of  the  Old  Testament  as  well 
as  those  of  the  New.”  ^ 

(c)  */.  /.  M.  DeGroot. — This  voluminous  writer,  in  his 
article  on  the  “Confucian  Religion,”  says: 

“The  Confucian  religion  is  the  ancient  religion  of  China,  the  worship 
of  the  universe  by  worship  of  its  parts  and  phenomena.  In  the  age 
of  Han,  two  centuries  before  and  two  after  the  birth  of  Christ,  that 
Universalism  divided  itself  into  two  branches — Taoism  and  Confu- 
cianism. Buddhism  probably  found  its  way  into  China  principally  in 
the  imiversalistic  form  which  is  called  Mahayana,  so  that  it  could  live 
and  thrive  perfectly  upon  the  congeneric  stem.  And  so  wc  have  in 
China  three  religions,  as  three  branches  upon  one  root  or  trunk,  which 
is  Universalism.” 

* “The  Religions  of  China,”  pp.  3,  4. 


29 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


After  speaking  of  the  classical  works  in  which  Confucius' 
ideas  are  mainly  found,  he  adds : 

“We  may  then  just  as  well  call  Confucianism  Classicism,  and  the 
Classics  the  holy  books  or  Bibles  of  Confucianism.” 

And  again : 

“We  . . . say  that  Confucianism  is  a universalistic  animism,  poly- 
theistic and  polydsemonistic.”^ 

(d)  ^Professor  T.  Inouye. — From  Japan  we  may  cite  the 
opinion  of  Dr.  Inouye  given  in  Count  Okuma’s  “Fifty  Years 
of  New  Japan”: 

“Confucianism  originated,  as  its  name  indicates,  in  the  teachings  of 
Confucius.  . . . Regarded  from  its  outward  form,  it  appears  to  be  a 
religion;  but,  while  religion  deals  mostly  with  spiritual  conceptions, 
Confucianism  is  rightly  regarded  as  a moral  system,  clearly  distin- 
guished from  religion.  Confucianism  was  first  introduced  into  Japan 
in  the  sixteenth  year  of  the  Emperor  Ojin,  or  285  A.D.  according  to 
the  ordinary  table  of  historical  dates,  but  probably  some  120  years 
later.  . . . 

“The  Confucianism  of  the  Meiji  era  is  nothing  but  a continuation 
of  that  of  the  preceding  period.  ...  It  is  to  be  noticed,  however, 
that  in  consequence  of  the  introduction  of  western  civilization  which 
revolutionized  every  phase  of  our  country’s  social  relations,  Confu- 
cianism has  undergone  a great  decline.  To-day  its  eminent  representa- 
tives are  gradually  lessening,  and  even  those  who  remain  no  longer 
wield  any  considerable  influence,  as  in  the  past.  . . . But  it  is  not  to 
be  supposed  for  a moment  that  Confucianism  has  perished  in  every 
sense  of  the  word.  ...  As  the  educational  ethics  of  the  present  day 
is  founded  on  a scientific  basis,  its  system  and  content  are  far  more 
perfect  and  complicated  than  those  of  Confucianism ; but  in  the  last 
resort  one  agrees  with  the  other  in  making  the  highest  good  the  ulti- 
mate goal  of  human  activities,  in  regarding  the  perfection  of  person- 
ality as  the  aim  of  action,  in  attaching  special  importance  to  motives 
rather  than  to  results  when  judging  of  the  right  or  wrong  of  an 
action.  Further,  the  central  term  jin  (benevolence)  in  Confucianism 
expresses  the  same  idea  as  the  word  ‘humanity,’  which  is  to-day  the 
goal  of  mankind.  Herein  Confucianism  transcends  all  religions. ^ And 

^ Encyclopedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  12,  13. 

* This  sentence  and  the  preceding  one  are  strongly  objected  to  bv  Chinese  critics,  mainly 
because  of  its  definition  of  the  Ja]>anese  word  jin,  Chinese  jen.  It  is  the  Japanese  view, 
however,  that  the  candidate  wishes  to  learn. 


30 


THE  NATURE  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


the  moral  education  of  our  era,  though  it  is  not  to  be  identified  with 
Confucianism,  has  this  in  common  with  the  latter,  namely,  that  it 
stands  aloof  from  and  is  above  religion  in  the  popular  sense  of  the 
term,  and  enjoys  freedom  from  any  form  of  superstition.  It  therefore 
moves  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  principles  of  modern  science.  . . . 
We  conclude  that,  though  the  framework  of  Confucianism  has  already 
decayed,  its  soul,  still  living  as  before  and  forming  the  essential  part 
of  present-day  education,  will  continue  to  exist  in  a new  garb  for 
long  ages  to  come.” 

(e)  ^The  late  Rev.  Horace  G.  Underwood,  D.D. — This 
experienced  missionary  wrote  thus  of  present-day  Confu- 
cianism in  Korea: 

“Confucianism  has  practically  existed  in  Korea  for  the  past  two 
thousand  years,  but  in  its  introduction  we  would  note  certain  phases 
which  seem  to  differentiate  it  from  the  cult  as  followed  in  China.  It 
was  originally  adopted  as  a moral  and  literary  standard,  and  all  official 
preferment,  as  in  China,  was  made  to  depend  upon  proficiency  in  these 
Classics.  Confucian  schools  were  established  broadcast,  estates  set 
aside  for  their  up-keep  and  the  teaching  of  the  Classics.  Here  twice  a 
month  the  magistrate  must  appear,  and  with  proper  ceremonies  accom- 
panied by  some  of  the  literati,  bow  before  the  picture  or  spirit  tablet 
of  the  Sage.  . . . 

“Confucianism  dealing  entirely  with  the  past  encouraged  in  Korea 
that  desire  for  seclusion  which  had  kept  her  doors  closed  so  many 
years ; but  on  the  other  hand  the  moral  code  has  been  an  element  of 
uplift  here,  and  as  she  was  able  to  avoid  the  Confucian  imperial 
exclusiveness  in  the  worship  of  the  supreme  God  and  to  maintain 
very  much  of  her  primitive  purity  and  simplicity,  she  has  steered  clear 
of  some  of  the  submerged  rocks  on  which  the  faith  of  her  neighbor 
has  been  wrecked.  Her  very  belief  in  Hananim  [Heaven’s  Lord,  the 
term  used  for  God  by  the  Roman  Catholics  of  China]  and  the  fact 
that  the  people  are  not  barred  from  approaching  him,  has  been  an 
incalculable  good.”  ^ 

(f)  ^The  Essentials  on  Which  All  Agree. — While  the 
foregoing  definitions,  with  their  amplifications,  contain  di- 
vergent views,  they  are  helpful  for  that  very  reason.  More- 

* “Religions  of  Eastern  Asia,”  pp.  167,  169,  171. 

31 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


over,  they  agree  in  essentials.  The  candidate  for  the  Far 
East  needs  to  realize  the  following  facts : ( 1 ) Confucianism 
is  a growth  of  centuries,  having  its  roots  in  the  ancient  re- 
ligion of  China  which  was  largely  animistic  and  naturalistic. 
Its  early  formulation  by  Confucius  and  Mencius  and  its  later 
recension  by  Chu  Hsi  constitute  the  textual  basis,  though  the 
commentary  of  Chu  Hsi  has  given  the  interpretation  on 
which  modern  Confucianism  rests.  (2)  The  personality  of 
Confucius  has  come  to  be  as  central  in  the  system  as  the  text 
itself,  so  that  he  must  be  understood  quite  as  fully  as  the 
Classics  themselves.  (3)  Side  by  side  with  the  text  and  their 
great  revealing  personality  has  grown  up  a system  of  State 
worship  which  needs  to  be  studied.  (4)  More  widespread 
than  any  other  ritual  observance  are  the  rites  and  the  obli- 
gations of  ancestor  worship,  which  throughout  the  Far  East 
constitute  the  Gibraltar  of  Confucian  opposition  to  Chris- 
tianity. (5)  It  is  a system  of  ethics  and  of  politics,  and 
subordinately  a religion. 

The  Confucianism  of  China  is  intensely  conservative.  Its 
emphasis  upon  the  value  of  the  past  above  the  present  has 
brought  about  the  singular  imperviousness  of  Chinese  lead- 
ers, so  characteristic  of  the  past  century.  This  conservatism 
is  weakening  in  China,  and  hardly  exists  at  all  in  Japan. 

2.  Its  Two  Outstanding  Features. — Confucianism  is  con- 
sequently a cult  which  is  understood  in  its  fulness  only  by 
the  educated  classes,  particularly  those  who  are  masters  of 
Chinese  classical  literature.  Two  characteristics  merit  espe- 
cial mention. 

(a)  It  is  Ethical  in  Content. — Confucianism  lays  much 
stress  upon  morality,  and  those  who  are  to  deal  with  Con- 
fucianists  must  have  a knowledge  of  ethical  principles.  They 
should  also  have  such  a mastery  of  theology  and  the  Bible 
as  will  enable  the  missionary  tactfully  to  suggest  and  supply 
what  the  Confucianist  so  sorely  needs.  Ethics  must  have 
theology  as  a basis,  otherwise  ethics  are  inert.  Hence  apolo- 


32 


THE  NATURE  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


getics  and  the  clear  apprehension  of  the  distinctive  features 
of  Christianity  are  just  as  indispensable  as  is  the  mastery 
of  ethics,  sociology,  political  economy  and  other  distinctive 
features  of  Confucianism. 

(b)  It  Has  Both  Solidarity  and  Diversity. — Like  Bud- 
dhism in  southern  and  eastern  Asia,  Confucianism  is  present 
in  force  in  the  three  countries  of  the  Far  East.  It  differs 
from  Buddhism  in  that  the  latter  varies  radically  in  some 
sects  in  China  and  Japan,  whereas  Confucianism  has  a soli- 
darity and  unity  that  is  unique.  This  general  fact,  however, 
should  not  blind  the  student  to  minor  variations  between  Con- 
fucianists  of  the  countries  in  which  it  is  held.  Missionaries 
going  to  Japan  or  Korea,  after  making  a study  of  the  basal 
system,  should  specialize  on  the  phases  of  Confucianism 
peculiar  to  the  country  to  which  he  goes.  To  study  the 
system  only  as  it  has  developed  in  its  birth-land  of  China 
would  make  a Korean  or  a Japanese  missionary  far  less 
effective  than  he  otherwise  might  become. 

III.  The  Founders  of  Confucianism 

Neither  the  Confucianists  nor  Confucianism  can  be  fully 
known  without  a thorough  knowledge  of  its  great  founders 
and  earliest  personal  ideals. 

1.  ^The  Chou  Dynasty  Background. — The  character  and 
services  of  Confucius  and  Mencius  cannot  be  understood 
fully  without  the  aid  of  at  least  an  outline  of  China’s  history 
during  the  Chou  Dynasty  in  which  these  sages  lived  and 
wrought. 

(a)  "^The  Period  Before  Confucius. — Founded  in  1122 
B.C.,  the  first  rulers  of  this  dynasty  are  frequently  lauded  in 
the  Confucian  Canon.  The  dynasty  was  born  in  a divinely 
ordered  revolt  against  the  utterly  reprobate  king  of  the  sec- 
ond historic  dynasty,  that  of  Shang  or  Yin.  In  the  “Canon 
of  History,”  the  “Great  Declaration”  ^ sets  forth  the 

^ See  especially  Book  I,  Part  III,  3. 


33 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


reasons  for  this  action  in  a manner  greatly  resembling 
that  of  President  Wilson’s  declaration  of  war  against  Ger- 
many, with  the  same  underlying  sense  of  following  the  will 
of  God. 

“The  three  mighties”  of  Chou  were  Ch‘ang,  Fa  and  Tan, 
known  to  posterity  as  King  Wen,  the  valiant  warrior,  author 
and  protester  against  the  awful  cruelty  and  corruption  of 
his  age.  King  Wu,  his  son,  who  actually  led  an  army  against 
Chou  Hsin  and  after  vanquishing  him  set  up  the  Chou  dy- 
nasty, and  a younger  brother,  the  idol  of  Confucius,  known 
as  the  Duke  of  Chou.  The  years  1231-1105  B.C.,  covering 
the  lives  of  the  famous  father  and  of  his  two  sons,  should 
be  studied  in  ample  histories,  with  especial  reference  to  the 
depths  of  wickedness  of  Shang’s  last  and  worst  ruler,  Chou 
Hsin,  a super-Nero  in  savagery  and  loathsome  orgies. 

The  regime  which  sprang  from  so  glorious  a root  and 
which  flourished  luxuriantly  under  Wen  Wang  and  his 
brother,  Chou  Kung,  soon  decayed,  but  lived  on  through 
relatively  fruitless  centuries.  Soothill  points  out  the  genesis 
of  this  sad  decline  in  a few  lines: 

“Wu  and  Wen  planted  the  House  of  Chou,  as  William  the  Con- 
queror planted  the  Norman  Dynasty,  in  a soil  volcanic  and  unstable, 
that  contained  within  it  the  sure  elements  of  its  own  disintegration. 
Desiring  to  reward  those  who  had  stood  by  him  in  his  destruction  of 
the  Shang  dynasty  and  at  the  same  time  to  bind  them  to  his  own 
House,  Wu  established  the  baronial  order,  partitioning  the  empire  into 
fiefs,  great  or  small,  according  to  the  merit  or  position  of  each  baron. 
These  territorial  magnates  with  their  independent  powers,  Wu  left 
as  a heritage  of  woe  to  his  descendants,  and  it  was  but  a short  time 
ere  they  reduced  the  imperial  power  to  little  more  than  an  empty 
name.  ...  In  but  little  more  than  three  centuries  the  power  of  the 
nobles  exceeded  that  of  the  emperor ; and  with  each  succeeding  century 
this  power,  and  the  disorder  it  naturally  involved,  reduced  the  empire 
to  a band  of  warring  states  with  a merely  nominal  head,  to  whom  the 
haughty  nobles  gave  scarcely  a show  of  allegiance.”  ^ 

^ “Analects  of  Confucius,”  pp.  16,  17. 

34 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


(b)  *The  Dynasty  in  the  Seventh  and  Sixth  Centuries. — 
Confucius  closes  the  “Canon  of  History”  with  these  preg- 
nant words:  “The  prosperity  and  unsettledness  of  a state 
may  arise  from  one  man.  The  glory  and  tranquillity  of  a 
state  also  may  perhaps  arise  from  the  excellence  of  one  man.” 
This  was  the  utterance  of  Duke  Mu,  at  whose  obsequies  in 
621,  to  form  his  ghostly  escort,  one  hundred  and  seventy 
persons  were  buried  alive.  What  wonder  that  a dirge  with 
the  following  refrain  was  composed  to  bewail  three  of  the 
nobles  among  this  larger  number: 

“Gazing  into  his  grave 

He  shrank  with  shuddering  dread. 

Powers  of  yon  blue  concave ! 

Our  best  men  all  lie  dead. 

O,  could  a ransom  save, 

A hundred  died  instead.”  ^ 

This  poetical  mirror  of  the  times  is  matched  by  the  prose 
statement  of  Mencius: 

“Again  the  world  fell  into  decay,  and  principles  faded  away.  Per- 
verse speakings  and  oppressive  deeds  again  became  rife.  There  were 
instances  of  ministers  who  murdered  their  rulers  and  of  sons  who 
murdered  their  fathers  [crimes  standing  foremost  in  Chinese  estima- 
tion]. Confucius  was  afraid  and  made  the  Ch'un  Ch‘iu  [‘Spring  and 
Autumn  Annals’] .”  ^ 

Professor  Douglas  puts  in  two  sentences  a picture  of 
China  at  the  birth  of  Confucius : 

“The  country  was  torn  by  discord  and  desolated  by  wars.  Husbandry 
was  neglected,  the  peace  of  households  was  destroyed,  and  plunder 
and  rapine  were  the  watchwords  of  the  time.” 

Yet  the  nadir  of  its  political  degradation  coincided  with 
the  zenith  of  its  intellectual  development.  The  Chou  dynasty 
gave  birth  to  China’s  great  triumvirate  of  philosophers,  Lao 
Tzu,  Confucius,  and  Mencius,  of  whom  the  second  has 

’Jennings,  “The  Shi  King,”  p.  143.  Other  translations  more  accurately  insert  in  each  of 
three  repetitions  of  this  chorus  of  the  ode  a name  of  one  of  the  three  nobles  in  order. 

* Mencius,  Bock  III,  Part  II,  iv,  7,  8. 


35 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


proved  to  be  the  first.  “These  three  philosophers,”  says 
Soothill,  “mark  the  maximum  per  se  development  of  the 
mind  of  this  race,  and  with  them  that  development,  perhaps 
not  without  intent  so  far  as  the  Confucian  school  is  con- 
cerned, has  been  arrested.”  ^ 

(c)  *The  Period  of  Mencius. — The  clarion  call  of  Confu- 
cius and  all  of  his  ethical  truths  could  not  stay  the  downward 
course  of  corrupt,  decadent  Chou.  Thirty-one  years  before 
the  birth  of  Mencius,  one  reads  in  the  records  of  the  use  at 
a drinking  festival  of  the  murdered  Chih  Po’s  lacquered 
skull.  When  Mencius  was  two  years  old  King  Wei  had  an 
unsatisfactory  governor  boiled,  together  with  those  who  had 
recommended  him.  When  he  was  a boy  of  four,  Duke  Hsien 
beheaded  sixty  thousand  defeated  enemies,  and  received  in 
consequence  a present  of  gala  robes.  In  his  eighteenth  year 
a Chinese  general  invited  a rival  leader  to  visit  him,  but 
seized  the  opportunity  to  cut  off  his  opponent’s  feet  and  to 
brand  his  face.  Just  before  Mencius  entered  on  public  life, 
the  famous  Wei  Yang,  charged  with  treachery,  was  torn  into 
five  pieces  by  horses,  and  his  whole  family  exterminated. 
Confessedly  these  were  the  darkest  deeds  in  a history  which 
Mencius  thus  described: 

“Once  more  sage  sovereigns  cease  to  arise,  and  the  princes  of  the 
states  give  the  reins  to  their  lusts.  Unemployed  scholars  indulge  in 
unreasonable  discussion.  ...  I am  alarmed  by  these  things  and  address 
myself  to  the  defence  of  the  doctrines  of  former  sages.”  ^ 

When  the  undutiful  became  even  more  so  and  the  antag- 
onism between  the  states  grew  most  pronounced,  it  was  a 
very  difficult  task  for  any  single  man  to  oppose  the  flood  of 
social  and  political  ills.  But  Mencius  was  in  nothing  afraid, 
like  Luther  and  his  “Ich  kann  nicht  anders’’  at  Worms. 

“Where  Confucius  had  chastised  with  whips,  he  chastised  with 
scorpions ; and  this  not  only  when  he  was  dealing  with  his  equals  or 

* “Analects,”  p.  18. 

•Mencius,  Bcok  III,  Pt.  II,  ix,  9,  10. 


36 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


inferiors,  but  also  where  princes  and  governors  were  the  objects  of 
his  wrath.”  ^ 

But  it  was  too  late,  and  forty  years  after  the  death  of 
Mencius  the  Chou  dynasty  came  to  an  end  after  an  existence 
of  eight  hundred  and  seventy-three  years  under  the  sway  of 
thirty-five  sovereigns. 

2.  ^Confucius,  551-478  B.C. — This  peerless  Far-Eastern 
sage,  whose  life  and  teachings  have  influenced  more  minds, 
perhaps,  than  those  of  any  other  philosopher,  is  central  in 
Confucianism  and  should  be  studied  with  especial  thorough- 
ness. Dr.  Ch‘en,  a Columbia  graduate  and  now  a leader  in 
the  modern  ‘‘Confucian  Church”  in  Peking,  suggests  the 
viewpoint  of  his  fellow  scholars  on  the  opening  page  of  his 
“Economic  Principles  of  Confucius  and  His  School,”  when 
he  quotes  through  Professor  Hirth  this  paragraph  from  the 
eminent  German  scholar.  Von  der  Gabelentz : 

“Quite  unique  is  the  position  occupied  by  him  who,  as  no  other  man, 
was  a teacher  of  his  people, — who,  I venture  to  say,  has  become  and 
continued  to  be  a ruler  of  his  people,  the  sage  of  the  family  K'ung  in 
the  state  of  Lu,  whom  we  know  by  the  name  of  Confucius.  Unique 
is  his  position,  not  only  in  the  history  of  philosophy,  but  also  in  the 
history  of  mankind.  For  there  is  hardly  any  other  man  who,  like 
Confucius,  incorporated  in  his  own  person  all  the  constituent  elements 
of  the  Chinese  type  and  all  that  is  eternal  in  his  people’s  being.  If 
we  are  to  measure  the  greatness  of  an  historic  personage,  I can  see 
only  one  standard  applicable  for  the  purpose, — the  effectiveness  of 
that  person’s  influence  according  to  its  dimensions,  duration,  and  inten- 
sity. If  this  standard  be  applied,  Confucius  was  one  of  the  greatest 
of  men.  For  even  at  the  present  day,  after  the  lapse  of  more  than 
two  thousand  years,  the  moral,  social,  and  political  life  of  about  one- 
third  of  mankind  continues  to  be  under  the  full  influence  of  his  mind.”  ^ 

(a)  Life  of  Confucius. — His  forebears  cannot  be 

traced  back  to  the  great  Huang  Ti,  a ruler  of  the  twenty- 
seventh  century  B.C.,  as  the  family  tradition  runs.  Yet  Con- 

* Douglas,  “Confucianism  and  Taouism,”  p.  155. 

® “Confucius  und  seine  Lehre,”  p.  4,  ff. 


37 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


fucianists  commonly  hold  that  his  ancestry  included  Cheng 
K‘ao-fu,  the  learned  scholar  whose  son,  K‘ung-fu  Chia,  an 
eminent  officer  and  the  first  of  the  sage’s  surname,  was  mur- 
dered by  a powerful  minister  who  coveted  and  carried  off 
his  beautiful  wife,  only  to  find  that  she  had  shortly  there- 
after strangled  herself.  Undying  hatred  arising  from  this 
outrage  led  to  the  removal  of  the  Kffing  family  to  the  state 
of  Lu  in  modern  Shan-tung  three  generations  later,  where 
the  great-grandfather  of  Confucius  was  governor  of  the 
town  of  Fang.  His  father,  Shu-liang  Ho,  was  commandant 
of  Tsou  and  a soldier  of  prowess  and  great  bravery,  who 
saved  his  companions  from  being  entrapped  in  a siege  by 
catching  the  massive  portcullis  of  the  city  gate  and  holding 
it  up  by  main  strength  until  they  had  escaped.  As  a septua- 
genarian, after  having  had  nine  daughters  by  a former  wife 
and  by  a concubine  a crippled  son,  he  married  a young  woman 
of  the  Yen  family,  who  became  the  mother  of  Confucius. 
Her  family  gave  Confucius  in  later  years  his  favorite  dis- 
ciple, Yen  Hui.  Left  fatherless  at  three  years  of  age,  Con- 
fucius spent  his  boyhood  somewhere  within  the  limits  of  the 
present  department  of  Yen-chou  in  Shan-tung.  Tales  of 
his  childish  precocity  and  of  his  delight  in  playing  at  sacri- 
fices are  dubious  though  prophetic  of  his  later  devotion  to 
ritual.  He  says  of  himself  during  his  early  years:  “In  my 
youth  I was  in  humble  circumstances,  and  for  that  reason 
gained  a variety  of  acquirements — in  common  matters.” 
Marrying  at  nineteen,  his  only  son  was  born  the  following 
year,  with  a daughter  or  probably  two  added  to  the  family 
later.  This  self-made  man  soon  entered  upon  office  as  keeper 
of  the  stores  of  grain  and  later  was  in  charge  of  public  lands. 
His  career  as  a teacher  began  at  twenty-two,  with  a goodly 
number  of  students,  attracted  largely  by  his  knowledge  of 
antiquity.  As  teacher,  ruler  and  adviser  of  men  high  in 
office,  he  gained  such  a reputation  that  he  “became  the  idol 
of  the  people  and  flew  in  songs  through  their  mouths,”  only 

38 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 

to  find  himself  later  disregarded,  a wanderer  from  state  to 
state,  offering  advice,  suffering  neglect,  and  more  than  once 
in  danger  of  his  life.  His  antiquarian  propensities  found 
scope  in  collecting  and  editing  the  “Odes,”  the  “Canon  of 
History,”  the  annals  of  his  own  state,  and  traditionally  in 
adding  comments  to  the  “Canon  of  Changes.” 

In  481  or  480  he  heard  that  a supernatural  creature,  the 
Chinese  unicorn — possibly  a giraffe — had  appeared.  Inter- 
preting this  evil  omen  as  a presage  of  his  end,  he  died  and 
was  buried  in  his  natal  Ch‘ii-fu  Hsien  in  478.  His  last  days 
are  pathetically  described  in  the  references  quoted  in  Ap- 
pendix D (page  147).  It  was  a fitting  end  to  a life  spent 
alone — thirteen  years  in  exile — after  the  divorce  of  his  Xan- 
tippean  wife  and  the  later  death  of  his  son  in  483.  His  be- 
loved disciple.  Yen  Hui,  had  also  died  in  483,  and  Tzu  Lu, 
his  impetuous  Peter,  a year  before  the  Sage. 

(b)  *The  Character  of  Confucius. — His  grandson’s  eulo- 
gium  in  the  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean,”  ^ doubtless  summarizes, 
though  in  grandiloquent  phrases,  contemporary  estimates  of 
the  man.  While  some  of  the  items  are  not  descriptive  of 
character,  and  though  the  modern  Chinese  paraphrast  of  this 
Classic,  Ku  Hung-ming,  does  not  make  it  apply  to  Confu- 
cius, portions  of  it  are  quoted  here : 

“It  is  only  he,  possessed  of  all  sagely  qualities  that  can  exist  under 
heaven,  who  shows  himself  quick  in  apprehension,  clear  in  discern- 
ment, of  far-reaching  intelligence  and  all-embracing  knowledge, — fitted 
to  exercise  rule ; magnanimous,  generous,  benign  and  mild, — fitted  to 
exercise  forbearance ; impulsive,  energetic,  firm  and  enduring, — fitted 
to  maintain  a firm  hold;  self-adjusted,  grave,  never  swerving  from  the 
mean,  and  correct, — fitted  to  command  reverence ; accomplished,  dis- 
tinctive, concentrative  and  searching, — fitted  to  exercise  discrimina- 
tion. . . . All-embracing  and  vast,  he  is  like  heaven.  Deep  and  active 
as  a fountain,  he  is  like  the  abyss.  He  is  seen,  and  the  people  all 
reverence  him ; he  speaks,  and  the  people  all  believe  him ; he  acts,  and 
the  people  are  all  pleased  with  him.  Therefore  his  fame  overspreads 

>Chap.  XXXI,  1-4. 

39 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


the  Middle  Kingdom  and  extends  to  all  barbarous  tribes.  Wherever 
ships  and  carriages  reach ; wherever  the  strength  of  man  penetrates ; 
wherever  the  heavens  overshadow  and  the  earth  sustains;  wherever 
the  sun  and  moon  shine ; wherever  frosts  and  dews  fall, — all  who 
have  blood  and  breath  unfeignedly  honor  and  love  him.  Hence  it  is 
said,  ‘He  is  the  equal  of  Heaven.’  ” 

Later,  Mencius  asserts  that  “from  the  birth  of  mankind 
till  now  there  has  never  been  one  so  complete  as  Confucius.” 

The  modern  Occidental  critic  does  not  join  unreservedly 
in  such  a panegyric.  Dr.  Legge  readily  grants  Confucius’ 
own  claim  as  made  in  the  “Analects,”  VII,  xviii:  “He  is 
simply  a man  who  in  his  eager  pursuit  of  knowledge  forgets 
his  food,  who  in  the  joy  of  its  attainment  forgets  his  sor- 
rows, and  who  does  not  perceive  that  old  age  is  coming  on.” 
And  even  more  his  basal  statement  in  Book  VII,  i,  of  the 
same  Classic,  is  descriptive  of  his  major  interest  in  life: 
“A  transmitter  and  not  a maker,  believing  in  and  loving  the 
ancients.”  His  moral  estimate  of  the  Sage  is  not  very  ex- 
alted so  far  as  his  truthfulness  is  concerned.  Yet  while 
Legge  distinctly  says,  “Confucius  was  not  a perfect  charac- 
ter,” he  also  writes : “The  more  I have  studied  his  character 
and  opinions,  the  more  highly  have  I come  to  regard  him. 
He  was  a very  great  man,  and  his  influence  has  been  on  the 
whole  a great  benefit  to  the  Chinese,  while  his  teachings  sug- 
gest important  lessons  to  ourselves  who  profess  to  belong 
to  the  school  of  Christ.”  ^ 

Very  discriminating  is  the  following  paragraph  from 
Soothill : 

“To  the  light  he  found,  he  was  faithful;  for  the  light  he  failed  to 
see,  he  is  to  be  pitied,  not  blamed ; but  to  say  that  his  ‘virtue  matches 
that  of  Heaven  and  Earth’  is  adulation  to  which  only  the  purblind 
could  give  utterance.  For  his  literary  gifts  to  his  nation,  prosaic 
though  they  are,  we  may  be  grateful.  For  a life  well  lived,  we  may 
hold  him  in  high  honor.  For  the  impress  of  man’s  duty  to  man  on 
the  mind  of  his  race,  we  gladly  praise  him ; and  that  he  has  not  taken 

^ “The  Chinese  Classics,”  Vol.  I,  p.  111. 


40 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


from  them  man’s  inherent  belief  in  things  eternal  may  give  us  a ‘lively 
hope’  for  the  future  of  the  black-haired  race.”  ^ 

(c)  *Confucins  as  a Teacher. — This  was,  and  ever  has 
been,  his  pre-eminent  contribution  to  Far-Eastern  life  and 
history.  At  that  early  period  to  have  had,  even  in  tradition, 
as  many  as  three  thousand  disciples,  seventy-two  of  whom 
were  scholars  of  extraordinary  ability,  is  a tribute  to  un- 
usual success.  The  great  secret  of  it  lay  in  the  fact  that 
he  was  ever  studying  the  past  and  his  contemporaries.  He 
says  of  himself : 

“I  am  not  one  who  was  born  in  the  possession  of  knowledge ; I am 
one  who  is  fond  of  antiquity,  and  earnest  in  seeking  it  there.  . . . 
When  I walk  along  with  two  others,  they  may  serve  me  as  my  teachers. 
I will  select  their  good  qualities  and  follow  them,  their  bad  qualities 
and  avoid  them.  If  a man  keeps  cherishing  his  old  knowledge  so  as 
to  be  continually  acquiring  new,  he  may  be  a teacher  of  others.”  ^ 

The  earnestness  and  enthusiasm  of  this  quest  is  beauti- 
fully set  forth  in  his  exultant  “Eureka !”  after  he  had  sought 
for  twenty  days  to  enter  into  the  very  thought  of  a com- 
poser whose  music  he  had  been  perfectly  rendering  on  his 
instrument : 

‘‘I  have  found  it ! I have  found  it ! This  morning  when  I awoke, 
I felt  as  if  transformed;  for  all  that  I had  been  seeking  in  the  past 
few  days  had  been  suddenly  revealed  to  me.  I seized  my  lute  and  at 
once  understood  and  appreciated  the  meaning  of  every  note  I played. 
It  was  as  if  I stood  in  the  presence  of  the  great  Wen  Wang,  that  I 
looked  into  his  large,  lustrous  eyes  and  that  I heard  the  sound  of  his 
deep  sonorous  voice.  My  heart  beat  with  rapture  and  was  lifted  up 
towards  him  in  love  and  veneration,  for  now  his  very  thought  was 
mine.”  ® 

As  described  by  himself,  the  methods  of  Confucius  in 
teaching  were  as  follows ; 

“As  to  my  doctrines,  they  are  very  simple,  being  none  other  than 

' “Analects  of  Confucius,”  pp.  57,  58. 

““Analects,”  Bk.  VII,  xix,  xxi;  Bk.  II,  xi. 

’Alexander,  “Confucius  the  Great  Teacher,”  p.  61. 

41 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


those  which  were  held  by  our  unerring  guides,  Yao  and  Shun,  and  are 
such  as  all  men  ought  to  follow ; and  my  mode  of  teaching  is  still 
simpler,  for  I but  cite  the  example  of  the  ancients,  exhort  my  hearers 
to  study  the  sacred  books  and  impress  upon  them  the  necessity  of 
pondering  deeply  upon  all  that  they  find  in  them.”  ^ 

Unlike  Socrates,  born  less  than  ten  years  after  the  death 
of  Confucius,  his  disciples  usually  questioned  him  instead 
of  being  examined  searchingly  by  their  master.  There  is 
little  prolonged  discourse  found  in  his  teachings,  such  as  we 
find  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  Yet,  like  Jesus,  he  is  apt 
to  call  his  disciples’  attention  to  striking  incidents  as  illus- 
trative of  important  truths,  e.g.,  that  a man-eating  tiger  is 
less  terrible  than  oppressive  government.  He  is  dogmatic 
oftentimes,  with  no  reasons  annexed,  and  not  infrequently 
his  axioms  are  untrue  to  human  experience.  Like  and  un- 
like the  inscription  at  the  entrance  of  Plato’s  Academy,  “Let 
him  not  enter  who  is  ignorant  of  geometry,”  was  Confucius’ 
usage  with  his  disciples: 

“From  the  man  bringing  his  bundle  of  dried  flesh^  for  my  teaching 
upwards,  I have  never  refused  instruction  to  anyone.  ...  I do  not 
open  up  the  truth  to  one  who  is  not  eager  to  get  knowledge,  nor  help 
out  anyone  who  is  not  anxious  to  explain  himself.  When  I have 
presented  one  corner  of  a subject  to  anyone  and  he  cannot  from  it 
learn  the  other  three,  I do  not  repeat  my  lesson.”  ^ 

The  real  power  of  this  teacher  of  China  was,  in  his  own 
day,  and  has  been  ever  since,  the  imitation  of  his  personal 
peculiarities  and  his  standing  as  a glorified  object-lesson. 

(d)  *The  Posthumous  Influence  of  Confucius — Though 
appreciated  by  his  disciples  during  his  lifetime,  his  own 
generation  cared  little  for  Confucius.  His  preeminence 
was  a cumulative  growth  and  was  not  so  strong  in  the  cen- 
turies immediately  succeeding  his  death  as  in  the  two  sub- 
sequent millenniums.  Yet  at  his  obsequies,  Duke  Ai,  of  his 

^ Alexander,  “Confucius  the  Great  Teacher,”  p.  76. 

^ The  traditional  stipend  of  a_  teacher  was  a gift  of  dried  meat. 

> "Analects,”  Bk.  VII,  vii,  viii. 


42 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


natal  state,  bemoaned  him,  and  later  erected  a temple  in  his 
honor  where  sacrifices  were  ofifered  at  the  four  seasons  of 
the  year.  The  founder  of  the  Han  dynasty,  in  195  B.C, 
visited  his  tomb  and  sacrificed  three  victims  in  his  honor. 
Other  sovereigns  showed  him  equal  reverence,  including  the 
great  K'ang  Hsi  of  the  dynasty  just  at  an  end,  who  knelt 
thrice  before  his  tomb,  laying  his  forehead  in  the  dust  be- 
fore the  image  of  the  Sage. 

Official  titles  began  to  be  bestowed  upon  him  in  the  first 
year  of  the  Christian  era,  when  he  was  styled  “The  Duke  Ni, 
all-complete  and  illustrious.”  In  492  A.D.  it  was  changed 
to  “The  venerable  Ni,  the  accomplished  Sage,”  to  be  followed 
in  1645  by  “Kffing,  the  ancient  Teacher,  accomplished  and 
illustrious,  all-complete,  the  perfect  Sage.”  Finally,  “in 
1908,  when  their  mandate  was  already  exhausted,  the  Man- 
chus  foolishly  elevated  Confucius  to  the  rank  of  a god,  an 
honor  which  the  old  Sage  himself  would  have  been  the  very 
first  to  repudiate.”  ^ 

From  A.D.  628  separate  temples  were  assigned  to  Confu- 
cius, later,  in  connection  with  the  great  examination  halls  of 
the  country,  and  in  these,  on  the  first  day  of  every  month, 
offerings  of  fruits  and  vegetables  were  set  forth,  and  on  the 
fifteenth  there  was  a solemn  burning  of  incense.  At  the  im- 
perial college  the  Emperor  himself  was  wont  to  bow  his  head 
to  the  earth  and  worship — anticipations  of  the  fuller  deifica- 
tion of  the  Sage  just  mentioned. 

The  masses  of  the  people  follow  their  rulers  in  this  exalted 
opinion  of  Confucius.  Until  recently,  schoolrooms  had  a 
tablet  or  inscription  on  the  wall  sacred  to  him,  or  to  Wen 
Ch‘ang,  god  of  literature,  and  every  pupil  was  required  on 
coming  to  school  in  the  morning  of  the  first  and  fifteenth 
of  every  month  to  bow  before  it  as  an  act  of  reverence. 
Dr.  Legge  said  of  the  Chinese  previous  to  the  twentieth 
century : 

* Giles,  “Confucianism  and  Its  Rivals,”  p.  258. 


43 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


“All  in  China  who  receive  the  slightest  tincture  of  learning  do  so  at 
the  fountain  of  Confucius.  . . . For  two  thousand  years  he  has  reigned 
supreme,  the  undisputed  teacher  of  this  most  populous  land.  This 
position  and  influence  of  Confucius  are  to  be  ascribed,  I conceive, 
chiefly  to  two  causes : his  being  the  preserver,  namely,  of  the  monu- 
ments of  antiquity,  and  the  exemplifier  and  expounder  of  the  maxims 
of  the  golden  age  of  China ; and  the  devotion  to  him  of  his  immediate 
disciples  and  their  immediate  followers.  The  national  and  the  personal 
are  thus  blended  in  him,  each  in  its  highest  degree  of  excellence.  He 
was  a Chinese  of  the  Chinese ; he  is  also  represented  as,  and  all  now 
believe  him  to  have  been,  the  beau  ideal  of  humanity  in  its  best  and 
noblest  estate.”  ^ 

His  latest  Chinese  eulogist  wrote  of  him  in  1911 : 

“We  may  say  that  Confucius  was  a great  philosopher,  a great  edu- 
cator, a great  statesman  and  a great  musician ; but  above  all,  that  he 
was  the  founder  of  a great  religion.  ...  In  the  ‘Analects’  Confucius 
by  tacit  implication  compares  himself  with  God,  and  in  the  Doctrine 
of  the  Mean  Confucius  is  called  ‘the  equal  of  God.’  The  Chinese 
worship  him,  not  from  any  superstitious  idea,  but  on  the  philosophical 
ground  that  ‘the  individual  possessed  of  the  most  complete  sincerity 
is  regarded  as  divine,’  and  that  ‘when  the  sage  is  beyond  our  knowledge, 
he  is  what  is  called  divine.’  Although  Confucius  died  about  twenty- 
five  centuries  ago,  the  Chinese  believe  that  his  fundamental  teachings 
will  remain  true  forever.  This  is  because,  on  the  one  hand,  the  teach- 
ings, based  on  the  doctrine  of  the  mean,  never  go  to  extremes ; and 
on  the  other,  being  subject  to  the  doctrine  of  changes,  they  easily 
adapt  themselves  to  the  environment.  Confucius  is  called  by  Mencius 
‘The  Sage  of  Times.’  In  fact,  the  teachings  of  Confucius  are  based 
on  the  nature  of  man,  and  as  long  as  we  are  human  beings,  no  matter 
in  what  age  or  in  what  region  we  may  live,  we  can  learn  from  him. 
Hence  the  Chinese  believe  that  there  has  been  no  other  man  so  great 
as  Confucius.”  ^ 

3.  "^Mencius,  372-289  B.C. — This  is  the  Latinized  form  of 
Meng  Tzti  (“Meng  the  Philosopher”),  with  the  given  name 
K‘o,  tabooed  in  ordinary  use.  What  his  Greek  contemporary, 
Plato,  was  to  Socrates,  Mencius  was  to  Confucius.  Unlike 
the  Athenian,  however,  he  never  enjoyed  his  Master’s  direct 

^ “Chinese  Classics,”  Vol.  1.  pp.  93,  94. 

*Chen.  “The  Economic  Principles  of  Confucius  and  His  School,”  Vol.  I,  pp.  13,  14. 

44 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


tuition.  Though  Confucius  had  died  more  than  a century 
before  his  birth,  Mencius  probably  studied  under  disciples 
of  K‘ung  Chi,  grandson  of  the  Sage  and  reputed  author  of 
the  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean.”  He  was  thus  united  by  links 
of  the  highest  order  to  his  Master,  and  his  own  utterances 
show  that  he  had  imbibed  his  spirit. 

(a)  *The  Life  of  Mencius. — Little  is  known  concerning 
Mencius’  ancestry.  He  belonged  to  one  of  the  three  power- 
ful Houses  in  the  state  of  Lu  whose  usurpations  were  an 
offence  in  Confucius’  time  until  their  power  was  broken  by 
Duke  Ai,  after^  which  their  influence  soon  vanished.  His 
birthplace  was  in  the  same  department  of  the  present  prov- 
ince of  Shan-tung  as  claimed  the  Sage.  While  little  is  re- 
corded of  his  father,  the  mother  of  Mencius  is  perhaps  the 
best  known  woman  of  ancient  Chinese  history.  From  his 
third  year  he  enjoyed  her  careful  training.  Lines  nine  to 
twelve  of  the  most  widely  used  elementary  book  of  the  world, 
the  “Three  Character  Classic,”  ^ specify  only  two  sample 
acts  of  hers : “Of  old,  the  mother  of  Mencius  chose  a neigh- 
borhood, and  when  her  child  would  not  learn  she  broke  the 
shuttle  from  the  loom.”  ^ Yet  more  important  than  this 
solicitude  for  his  environment  which  the  commentary  de- 
scribes and  the  warning  against  a life  ruined  through  care- 
less negligence,  typified  by  the  cut  web,  was  her  prenatal  care 
for  him,  which  she  described  in  order  that  others  might  be 
eugenically  born,  and  the  scrupulous  regard  for  truth  dis- 
played in  her  life  with  her  son.  It  was  she  who  saved  him 
from  a possible  divorce  from  his  wife  by  showing  that  he 
alone  was  responsible.  Later,  when  his  course  in  life  was 
about  to  be  chosen  for  her  sake,  she  most  unselfishly  insisted 
that  his  future  usefulness,  and  not  her  need^  should  dominate 
the  decision.  Rightly  is  she  regarded  as  the  model  mother 
of  China. 

^ Also  referred  to  as  the  Trimetrical  Classic. 

2 Giles,  “San  Tzu  Ching,”  pp.  7,  8. 


45 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


His  early  teachers  we  know  little  about,  except  the  state- 
ment of  Ssu-ma  Chhen  that  he  studied  under  the  disciples 
of  K‘ung  Chi.  His  own  enigmatical  statement — he  was  born 
one  hundred  and  eight  years  after  the  Sage’s  death — “Al- 
though I could  not  be  a disciple  of  Confucius  myself,  I have 
endeavored  to  cultivate  my  character  and  knowledge  by 
means  of  others  who  were,”  ^ suggests  that  the  main  con- 
tribution of  his  instructors  was  that  of  the  spirit  of  their 
Master  rather  than  the  letter  of  his  teachings.  One  early 
authority  states  that  Mencius  was  especially  proficient  in  the 
“Canon  of  History”  and  the  “Odes.”  During  these  forty 
years  of  obscurity  he  found  time  to  master  the  classics  and 
history  of  the  time,  and  to  become  enamored  with  the  great 
men  of  the  past,  among  whom  Confucius  was  easily  first. 
Dr.  Legge  supposes  that  during  the  latter  part  of  this  period 
he  assumed  the  office  of  a teacher,  “not  that  of  a schoolmaster 
in  our  acceptance  of  the  word,  but  that  of  a professor  of 
morals  and  learning,  encouraging  the  resort  of  inquiring 
minds,  in  order  to  resolve  their  doubts  and  inform  them  on 
the  true  principles  of  virtue  and  society.”  In  that  capacity, 
he  showed  little  respect  to  men  who  presumed  on  their  high 
rank,  or  whose  motives  were  unworthy. 

Mencius  spent  the  greater  part  of  his  public  life  in  Ch‘i, 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  modern  Shan-tung.  Many  of  the 
conversations  found  in  the  seven  books  of  “Mencius,”  espe- 
cially in  Books  I and  II,  were  held  with  the  sovereign  and 
officers  of  this  state.  T‘eng,  Liang,  or  Wei,  in  Ho-nan,  and 
Lu  were  other  principalities  at  whose  courts  he  spent  less 
time;  so  that  his  political  world  was  not  more  than  three 
hundred  miles  in  width  and  much  narrower  from  north  to 
south.  It  is  true  that  Mencius  was  unduly  compliant  with 
the  weaknesses  and  sins  of  men  in  official  position;  yet  he 
seems  to  have  been  so  in  order  to  induce  them  to  heed  his 
major  teachings,  and  he  never  hesitated  to  speak  forth  boldly 

‘ “Mencius,”  Book  IV,  Part  II,  xxii. 

46 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


his  exalted  views  of  righteousness  and  duty — a John  Knox 
of  his  day. 

The  last  twenty  years  of  his  life,  according  to  tradition, 
were  spent  in  retirement,  most  probably  in  Lu.  With  his 
disciples  around  him,  he  discoursed  frequently  and  edited 
his  writings  which  were  the  seven  books  of  “Mencius”  sub- 
stantially as  we  now  have  them,  with  a few  changes  of  titles 
of  rulers,  and  with  the  introduction  of  his  own  name  where 
appropriate. 

His  private  adult  life  is  almost  a blank,  so  far  as  records 
go,  his  own  works  being  the  only  trustworthy  source.  Ap- 
parently his  marriage  was  not  without  its  bitterness.  Pos- 
sibly one  son  was  mentioned  by  him,  but  the  clan  at  the 
present  day  is  a large  one.  In  the  year  1566  one  of  the 
family  was  made  a member  of  the  Han  Lin  college  and  of 
the  Board  having  in  charge  the  Five  Classics,  an  honor 
subsequently  hereditary  in  the  family. 

(b)  Character  of  Mencius. — Here  again  one  has  to 

rely  upon  his  own  writings  to  discern  the  man,  other  sources 
being  almost  valueless.  Like  Confucius,  he  was  devoted  to 
ideals  as  seen  in  history.  Inspired  by  the  great  rulers  of 
the  past,  he  bore  testimony  against  wrong  and  exalted  the 
righteousness  of  the  ancients.  His  fine  idea  of  duty  and 
of  true  greatness  is  thus  set  forth: 

“To  dwell  in  the  wide  house  of  the  world,  to  stand  in  the  correct 
seat  of  the  world,  and  to  walk  in  the  great  path  of  the  world ; when  he 
obtains  his  desire  for  office,  to  practice  his  principles  for  the  good  of 
the  people,  and  when  that  desire  is  disappointed,  to  practice  them  alone ; 
to  be  above  the  power  of  riches  and  honor  to  make  dissipated,  of 
poverty  and  mean  condition  to  make  swerve  from  principle,  and  of 
power  and  force  to  make  bend — these  characteristics  constitute  the 
great  man.  . . . The  great  man  is  he  who  does  not  lose  his  child’s 
heart” — more  literally,  the  “ruddy  child’s  heart.”  ^ 

The  casual  reader  might  regard  Mencius  as  greatly  ego- 

‘ “Mencius,”  Book  III,  Part  II,  ii,  3;  Book  IV,  Part  II,  xii. 


47 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


tistic  and  obsessed  with  the  idea  of  his  own  importance.  A 
truer  statement  is  that  he  had  a sensitive  self-respect  com- 
bined with  a high  estimate  of  the  honor  due  to  his  office  and 
of  the  principles  whose  spokesman  he  had  been  constituted 
by  Heaven.  As  such  he  deems  himself  as  carrying  on  the 
work  of  Yii  the  Great,  the  Duke  of  Chou  and  Confucius,  and 
he  asserted  that  when  sages  rise  again,  they  would  not  change 
his  teachings.  Instead  of  being  dominated  by  selfishness, 
he  was  devoted  to  the  people  and  to  humanity. 

His  doctrine  of  the  natural  uprightness  of  human  nature 
gave  him  a respect  for  men  that  was  unusual.  Cheerfulness 
and  courage  were  characteristic  of  him.  More  than  once  he 
was  charged  with  inconsistency,  but  his  defence  was  usually 
satisfactory  to  his  critics.  Though  using  the  more  personal 
name  for  God  but  once,  in  addition  to  twice  in  quotations, 
he  believed  in  no  wholly  impersonal  Heaven,  the  term  which 
he  commonly  employed.  Because  of  man’s  nature  he  may 
know  Heaven,  and  it  is  his  duty  to  do  the  right  and  leave 
the  results  to  God.  Heaven  is  the  realized  ideal  after  which 
man  aspires.  It  was  Heaven  who  determined  his  not  finding 
acceptance  with  the  ruler  of  Lu,  and  heavenly  decrees  were 
highly  regarded  at  all  times. 

(c)  ^Mencius  as  a Teacher. — Instead  of  having  three 
thousand  disciples,  as  Confucius  was  reported  to  have  had, 
a list  of  less  than  twenty-five  is  all  that  can  be  matched  with 
his  Master’s  multitude  or  with  his  seventy-two  eminent  fol- 
lowers. Only  four  of  his  own  disciples  were  sufficiently  dis- 
tinguished to  merit  a place  in  Confucian  temples. 

While  Mencius  recognized  the  same  main  sources  of  au- 
thority as  those  relied  upon  by  his  predecessor,  plus  the  opin- 
ions of  Confucius  himself,  his  reactions  were  independent. 
He  refused  to  be  bound  by  any  canon. 

“It  would  be  better  to  be  without  the  ‘Book  of  History’  than  to 
give  entire  credit  to  it.  In  the  ‘Completion  of  the  War,’  I select  two 
or  three  passages  only,  which  I believe.’’  ^ 

* “Mencius,”  Book  VII,  Part  II,  iii. 


48 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


Mencius  was  far  more  Socratic  in  his  method  of  teaching 
than  his  Master,  and  superior  also  in  the  wealth  and  aptness 
of  his  illustrations.  Some  well-known  examples  are  impos- 
sible to  forget.  The  absurdity  of  not  putting  an  immediate 
end  to  wrong  acts  he  thus  pictured: 

“Here  is  a man  who  appropriates  every  day  some  of  his  neighbor’s 
strayed  fowls.  Some  one  says  to  him,  ‘Such  is  not  the  way  of  a good 
man,’  and  he  replies,  ‘With  your  leave  I will  diminish  my  appropria- 
tions and  will  take  only  one  fowl  a month  until  next  year,  when  I will 
make  an  end  of  the  practice.’  ” 

The  patience  that  is  essential  to  the  development  of  char- 
acter he  thus  effectively  illustrated: 

“There  was  a man  of  Sung  who  was  grieved  that  his  growing  corn 
was  not  longer  and  so  he  pulled  it  up.  Having  done  this,  he  returned 
home  looking  very  stupid  and  said  to  his  people : ‘I  am  tired  to-day. 
I have  been  helping  the  corn  to  grow  long.’  His  son  ran  to  look  at  it 
and  found  the  corn  all  withered.  There  are  few  in  the  world  who 
do  not  deal  with  their  passion  nature,  as  if  they  were  assisting  the 
corn  to  grow  long.”  ^ 

The  objective  of  Mencius,  as  Dr.  Legge  describes  it,  was 
more  specific  than  that  of  Confucius: 

“He  wished  to  meet  with  some  ruler  who  would  look  to  him  as 
‘guide,  philosopher  and  friend,’  regulating  himself  by  his  counsels  and 
thereafter  committing  to  him  the  entire  administration  of  his  govern- 
ment. . . . The  wandering  scholars  of  his  own  day  went  from  court 
to  court,  sometimes  with  good  intentions  and  sometimes  with  bad,  pre- 
tended to  this  character,  but  Mencius  held  them  in  abhorrence.  They 
disgraced  the  character  and  prostituted  it,  and  he  stood  forth  as  its 
vindicator  and  true  exemplifier.  Never  did  Christian  priest  lift  his 
mitred  brow,  or  show  his  shaven  crown,  or  wear  his  Geneva  gown, 
more  loftily  in  courts  and  palace  than  Mencius,  the  Teacher,  demeaned 
himself.”  ^ 

Samuel  Johnson,  an  important  secondary  specialist  upon 
Confucianism,  thus  contrasts  the  two  founders  of  the  system 
in  their  teaching  capacity: 

‘"Mencius,”  Book  III,  Part  II,  viii;  Book  II,  Part  I,  ii,  16. 

‘ "Chinese  Classics,”  Vol.  II,  p.  52. 


49 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


“Like  Confucius,  Mencius  accepted  all  who  came  with  a mind  to 
learn,  without  inquiry  into  their  past  and  was  charged  with  paying  too 
little  regard  to  moral  standing.  More  perhaps  than  Confucius  he 
emphasized  the  germs  of  good  in  men,  believing,  like  Plato,  that  no 
man  willingly  sins,  and  more  intent,  even  while  denouncing  wrong, 
on  laying  better  foundations  in  the  mind  and  heart  of  his  people,  than 
on  confuting  the  delusions  of  their  teachers,  or  on  overthrowing  their 
vicious  lords.  ‘However  bad  a man  may  be  to  look  upon,  yet  if  he 
purify  himself  with  restraint  of  mind  and  outward  cleanliness,  he  may 
sacrifice  to  the  Supreme.’  Of  all  teachers  perhaps  the  most  affirmative ; 
thoroughly  alive  to  the  reserves  of  moral  power  in  peasant,  sage,  or 
king.  His  intensity  of  faith  and  motive-energy  makes  him  carry  out 
the  qualities  charactertistic  of  his  Master  in  a more  pronounced  way. 
He  is  more  jealous  of  his  personal  dignity  than  Confucius,  more  pro- 
testant  in  his  humanity,  more  positive  in  his  assertion  of  the  right  of 
revolution,  more  definite  in  his  plans  of  reform.  . . . Mencius  had  a 
genius  for  principles.  The  very  transparency  of  his  moral  precepts — 
these  solutions  of  problems  of  duty,  these  swift  cuts  through  knots  of 
policy — hides  the  wonderful  intuitive  force  from  which  they  spring. 
For  his  open  eye  the  age  and  its  wants  were  daylight.”  ^ 

(d)  Posterity’s  Estimate  of  Mencius. — The  claims  of 
the  disciples  of  Confucius,  that  he  was  above  all  the  sages 
China  had  ever  seen,  so  leavened  public  thought  that  from 
before  the  Christian  era  he  has  been  one  whom  sovereign 
and  people  have  delighted  to  honor.  Mencius  did  not  fare 
so  well.  It  was  eleven  hundred  years  after  his  death  before 
Han  Yii,  one  of  the  three  luminaries  of  the  T‘ang  Dynasty, 
uttered  the  decisive  word:  “Confucius  handed  down  the 
scheme  of  doctrine  to  Mencius,  on  whose  death  the  line  of 
transmission  was  interrupted.”  In  the  twelfth  century  this 
dictum  was  echoed  strongly  by  Ch‘en  Chih-chaT,  who  added 
that  the  two  great  teachers  were  associated  together  by  all 
scholars.  A little  later,  Chu  Hsi  settled  the  matter  by  com- 
menting on  his  works,  thus  making  them  canonical.  Before 
this,  however — in  1083 — Mencius  had  been  officially  styled 
“Duke  of  the  Kingdom  of  Tsou,”  and  a temple  had  been 


‘ “Oriental  Religions — China,”  pp.  644,  645. 

50 


THE  FOUNDERS  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


built  to  him  in  Tsou  on  the  site  of  his  grave.  In  the  following 
year  it  was  enacted  that  he  should  have  a place  in  Confucian 
temples  next  to  the  Sage’s  favorite  disciple,  Yen  Hui.  In 
1330  his  style  was  altered  to  read  “Duke  of  the  State  of 
Tsou,  Inferior  Sage.”  This  designation  continued  until  1372, 
when  the  founder  of  the  Ming  dynasty  was  so  incensed  by 
a saying  of  Mencius,  in  which  “robber”  and  “enemy”  were 
applied  to  certain  rulers,  that  he  ordered  him  to  be  displaced 
from  Confucian  temples,  adding  that  anyone  remonstrating 
should  be  dealt  with  as  guilty  of  contempt  of  majesty.  When 
the  president  of  his  Board  of  Punishments  dared  to  protest, 
saying,  “I  will  die  for  Mencius,  and  my  death  will  be  crowned 
with  glory,”  the  Emperor  was  so  moved  by  his  earnestness 
that  he  allowed  him  to  go  unpunished.  The  protest  led  to  a 
reexamination  of  the  writings  of  Mencius;  and  finding  him 
to  have  been  a valiant  opposer  of  the  heresies  of  his  day,  the 
sovereign  restored  the  philosopher  to  his  place  in  the  tem- 
ples. Once  more,  in  1530,  official  pronouncement  styled  him 
“The  Philosopher  Meng,  Inferior  Sage,”  which  is  his  present 
standing  in  China.  Professor  Giles  translates  Ya  Sheng 
as  “Second  Inspired  One,”  instead  of  “Inferior  Sage.” 

China’s  scholars  have  appreciated  Mencius  very  fully. 
Thus  Ch‘eng  Hao,  who  was  regarded  as  second  to  Mencius, 
said  of  him: 

“The  merit  of  Mencius  in  regard  to  the  doctrine  of  the  sages  is 
more  than  can  be  told.  Confucius  only  spoke  of  benevolence,  but  as 
soon  as  Mencius  opened  his  mouth,  we  hear  of  benevolence  and  right- 
eousness. Confucius  spoke  only  of  the  will  or  mind,  but  Mencius 
enlarged  also  on  the  nourishment  of  the  passion  nature.  . . . Mencius 
had  a certain  amount  of  the  heroical  spirit,  and  to  that  there  always 
belong  some  jutting  corners,  the  effect  of  which  is  very  injurious.” 

As  time  went  on,  Mencius  became  increasingly  popular, 
and  in  these  latter  days  he  is  more  so  than  ever.  His  exalta- 
tion of  the  people  in  the  oft-quoted  passage,  “The  people  are 
the  most  important  element  in  a nation;  the  spirits  of  the 


51 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


land  are  the  next;  the  sovereign  is  the  lightest,”  and  his 
implied  denial  of  the  “divine  right  of  kings,”  made  him  the 
canonical  saint  of  the  recent  Revolution,  whose  leaders  looked 
to  him  as  a sort  of  primitive  republican. 

A final  estimate  worth  entry  is  that  of  his  chief  trans- 
lator, Dr.  Legge,  who,  after  noting  the  common  reference  of 
Confucianism’s  two  philosophers  to  the  teachings  of  the 
sages  who  preceded  them,  adds  these  words : 

“But  while  we  are  not  to  look  to  Mencius  for  new  truths,  the  pecu- 
liarities of  his  natural  character  were  more  striking  than  those  of  his 
Master.  There  was  an  element  of  ‘the  heroical’  about  him.  He  was 
a dialectician,  moreover.  If  he  did  not  like  disputing,  as  he  protested 
that  he  did  not,  when  forced  to  it,  he  showed  himself  a master  of  the 
art.  An  ingenuity  and  subtlety  which  we  cannot  but  enjoy  often  mark 
his  reasonings.  We  have  more  sympathy  with  him  than  with  Con- 
fucius. He  comes  closer  to  us.  He  is  not  so  awe-ful,  but  he  is  more 
admirable.  The  doctrines  of  the  sages  take  a tinge  from  his  mind 
in  passing  through  it,  and  it  is  with  the  Mencian  character  about  them 
that  they  are  now  held  by  the  cultivated  classes  and  by  readers  gen- 
erally.” 1 


IV.  CoNFUciAN  Literature 

Formerly,  in  China,  the  nine  Canonical  Books  of  Confu- 
cianism were  thoroughly  mastered  by  every  candidate  for 
literary  degrees.  Though  the  reaction  against  the  ancient 
learning  has  for  a time  made  these  works  less  important, 
they  are,  nevertheless,  of  value  for  those  who  hope  to  influ- 
ence Confucianists.  This  reaction  should  be  resisted  both 
for  the  sake  of  Far-Eastern  students  of  their  own  Confucian 
Classics,  and  because  it  is  easy  for  young  missionaries  to 
belittle  and  ignore  this  most  valuable  literature  of  the  Orient. 
Dr.  Henry  M.  Woods,  a specialist  in  the  redaction  of  this 
literature,  puts  the  case  in  a paragraph; 

“No  argument  ought  to  be  needed  to  show  the  great  importance  of 
the  study  of  the  Chinese  Classics  at  the  present  time.  It  is  a superficial 

* “Chinese  Classics,”  Vol.  II,  p.  43. 


52 


CONFUCIAN  LITERATURE 


view  to  suppose  that  the  day  of  the  Classics  is  past.  When  the  cast  of 
countenance  and  the  mental  traits  of  the  Sons  of  Han  change,  the 
Classics  will  pass  away  and  no  sooner.  A glance  at  K'ang  Hsi’s 
standard  dictionary  will  show  that  the  Classics  determine  the  correct 
usage  of  the  language.  References  to  them  fill  the  newspapers  and 
the  literature  of  the  land.  They  may  be  called  the  treasure-house  of 
Chinese  learning  and  moral  instruction,  the  guide  of  the  individual, 
the  family  and  the  government.  They  furnish  the  ideals  which  have 
shaped  the  life  of  the  nation  for  three  thousand  years,  and  which  are 
to-day  the  standard  of  judgment  from  which  there  is  no  appeal.  So 
that  if  the  student  wishes  to  gain  the  view-point  of  the  Chinese  mind 
and  to  trace  those  intellectual  and  moral  forces  which  have  made  this 
country  what  it  has  been  through  the  centuries,  he  must  have  some 
familiarity  with  these  venerable  writings.”  ^ 

1.  ^“The  Five  Classics”  {Wu  Ching). — Chronologically 
these  come  before  the  “Four  Books,”  though  the  latter  al- 
ways received  prior  attention  among  schoolboys  of  the  Orient 
and  have  been  the  only  canonical  literature  studied  by  the 
majority  of  missionaries.  They  constitute  the  Old  Testa- 
ment of  the  Confucian  Canon,  so  to  speak.  Yet  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  China’s  classical  works  do  not  claim 
to  be  inspired,  or  to  contain  what  we  should  call  a revelation. 

“Historians,  poets  and  others  wrote  as  they  were  moved  in  their 
own  minds.  An  old  poem  may  occasionally  contain  what  it  says  was 
spoken  by  God,  but  we  can  only  understand  that  language  as  calling 
attention  emphatically  to  the  statements  to  which  it  is  prefixed.  We 
also  read  of  Heaven’s  raising  up  the  great  ancient  sovereigns  and 
teachers  and  variously  assisting  them  to  accomplish  their  undertakings ; 
but  all  this  need  not  be  more  than  what  a religious  man  of  any  country 
might  affirm  at  the  present  day  of  direction,  help  and  guidance  given 
to  himself  and  others  from  above.  But  while  the  old  Chinese  books 
do  not  profess  to  contain  any  divine  revelation,  the  references  in  them 
to  religious  views  and  practices  are  numerous ; and  it  is  from  these 
that  the  student  has  to  fashion  for  himself  an  outline  of  the  early 
religion  of  the  people.”  ^ 

The  authorship  of  these  books,  popularly  supposed  to  be 

' “Wu  Ching  Chieh  I Shih  Chin,”  Introduction. 

* “Sacred  Books  of  the  East,”  Vol.  Ill,  p.  xv. 


53 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


the  work  of  Confucius,  is  uncertain,  though  the  “Spring  and 
Autumn  Annals”  is  mainly  his  own,  and  he  may  have  written 
portions  of  other  books.  It  is  probably  true  that  these  selec- 
tions from  the  more  voluminous  literature  existing  in  his 
day  were  authorized  and  handed  down  by  him,  in  some  cases 
edited  also.  The  “Record  of  Rites”  is  for  the  most  part  the 
product  of  a later  time.  It  may  be  added  that  criticism  of 
the  Occidental  type  has  not  been  as  yet  greatly  busy  with 
the  Classics,  and  hence  in  what  follows  only  commonly  ac- 
cepted views  are  presented,  based  partly,  however,  on  Sung 
Dynasty  criticism. 

(a)  *”Canon  of  History”  {Shu  Ching). — This  was  known 
as  the  “Shu” — the  “Writings”  or  “Book”  par  excellence — 
until  two  centuries  before  Christ,  when  it  had  “Ching,”  or 
“Canon”  added.  It  is  probably  the  most  ancient  of  the  Chi- 
nese classical  books.  It  contains  in  an  apparently  mutilated 
condition  a collection  of  historical  memorials  extending  over 
some  seventeen  centuries,  from  B.C.  2357  to  627.  In  the 
Chou  Dynasty,  at  latest,  China  had  officials  known  as  “re- 
corders,” “annalists,”  “historiographers,”  and  “clerks,” 
whose  business  it  was  to  preserve  important  facts  in  the 
dynastic  history.  That  they  did  their  work  conscientiously 
one  may  believe  from  the  statement  of  Confucius,  that 
even  in  his  day  a historiographer  would  leave  a blank  in 
his  text  rather — Dr.  Legge  explains — than  add  anything 
of  which  he  had  insufficient  evidence.  Though  the  earliest 
chapters  were  not  contemporaneous  with  the  events  narrated, 
yet  from  the  eighteenth — Legge  says  the  twenty-second — 
century  B.C.  they  may  be  regarded  as  such,  and  also  as 
being  more  worthy  of  credence  than  the  annals  of  most  na- 
tions of  antiquity.  Yet  it  should  be  said  that  some  scholars — 
e.g..  Dr.  E.  Faber — see  in  the  “Shu  Ching”  an  apparent 
tendency  to  include  material  adapted  to  support  positions 
taken  by  Confucius — proof-texts  purposely  selected,  so  to 
speak.  In  form  it  is  almost  wholly  a collection  of  speeches 

54 


CONFUCIAN  LITERATURE 


attributed  to  various  emperors,  or  of  dialogues  between  them 
and  their  ministers. 

Of  the  five  parts  of  the  Classic,  the  first  two  are  called 
by  Professor  Hirth  the  Confucian  legends,  and  Professor 
Grube  with  some  reason  may  call  this  section  a “poetical 
production.”  They  narrate  the  events  of  the  reigns  of  the 
idealized  emperors,  Yao,  Shun  and  Yii.  Here  one  gets  the 
first  account  of  Chinese  religion ; here  God  and  minor  deities 
are  in  the  foreground;  here  is  China’s  Golden  Age.  Part 
III  chronicles  the  transition  to  genuine  history  with  the  de- 
cadence from  the  doctrines  and  example  of  the  Great  Yii 
which  culminated  in  the  lust  and  universal  wickedness  of  that 
monster,  Chieh  Kuei,  with  whom  the  dynasty  came  to  an 
end.  Part  IV  begins  with  the  speech  of  T'ang  the  Com- 
pleter, or  the  Successful,  who  in  1766 — almost  exactly  as 
long  before  the  Christian  era  as  the  American  Revolution 
was  after  that  date — rose  against  the  infamous  Chieh  and 
established  the  Shang  dynasty.  Its  brilliant  morning  was 
followed  by  the  darkening  shadows  and  black  night  which 
preceded  the  dawning  of  the  Chou  dynasty.  Its  famous 
founders  are  eulogized  in  Part  V,  which  constitutes  the  last 
half  of  the  “Shu  Ching.”  One  of  the  sections  of  Part  V — 
Book  VI,  “The  Metal-bound  Cofifer” — is  perhaps  the  most 
touching  and  instructive  portion  of  the  entire  Confucian 
Classics. 

(b)  Canon  of  Poetry”  {Shih  Ching). — Professor 

Hirth  asserts  that  this  is  the  oldest  of  the  Classics,  a position 
not  generally  held.  Its  earliest  poems  are  ascribed  to  the 
Shang  dynasty,  and  are  all  sacrificial  odes — the  last  five  in 
the  collection.  Confucius  is  the  traditional  collector,  or 
rather  selector,  of  the  three  hundred  and  five  poems  chosen 
from  three  thousand  or  more.  Unfortunately  for  its  repu- 
tation in  the  Occident,  where  it  is  chiefly  known  through 
the  religious  odes  of  Part  IV,  and  through  selections  of 
the  same  sort  taken  from  preceding  Parts,  this  Canon  seems 

55 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


only  to  ring  the  changes  on  the  departed  dead  and  on  their 
worship.  Parts  I to  III  should  be  read  in  order  to  get  a con- 
ception of  its  real  worth  as  literature  and  as  a picture  of 
China’s  early  life. 

Confucius  held  this  Classic  in  high  estimation.  It  was 
one  of  the  Master’s  frequent  themes  of  discourse.  “It  is  by 
the  Odes,”  he  asserted,  “that  the  mind  is  aroused.”  “If  you 
do  not  learn  the  Odes,”  he  sharply  informed  his  son  Po-yii, 
“you  will  not  be  fit  to  converse  with.”  His  philosophy  of 
poetry  is  thus  set  forth.  Quoting  from  the  Sage-Emperor 
Shun  in  substance,  he  is  made  to  say  by  way  of  supplement 
in  an  early  Preface  to  the  “Shih  Ching”: 

“Poetry  is  the  product  of  earnest  thought.  Thought  cherished  in 
the  mind  becomes  earnest ; then  expressed  in  words,  it  becomes  poetry. 
The  feelings  move  inwardly  and  are  embodied  in  words.  When  words 
are  insufficient  for  them,  recourse  is  had  to  sighs  and  exclamations. 
When  sighs  and  exclamations  are  insufficient  for  them,  recourse  is 
had  to  the  prolonged  utterance  of  song.  When  this  again  is  insufficient, 
the  hands  begin  to  move  and  the  feet  to  dance.  . . . To  set  forth  cor- 
rectly the  successes  and  failures  (of  government),  to  affect  Heaven 
and  Earth  and  to  move  spiritual  beings,  there  is  no  readier  instrument 
than  poetry.”  ^ 

The  above  passage  may  not  be  genuine,  but  in  the  “Ana- 
lects” he  says: 

“My  children,  why  do  you  not  study  the  ‘Book  of  Poetry’?  The 
‘Odes’  . . . may  be  used  for  purposes  of  self-contemplation.  They 
teach  the  art  of  sociability.  They  show  how  to' regulate  feelings  of 
resentment.  From  them  we  learn  the  more  immediate  duty  of  serving 
one’s  father  and  the  remoter  one  of  serving  one’s  prince.  . . . The 
Master  said  to  Po-yii : ‘Do  you  give  yourself  to  the  Chou-nan  and 
the  Chao-nan.  The  man  who  has  not  studied  the  Chou-nan  and  the 
Chao-nan  is  like  one  who  stands  with  his  face  right  against  a wall.’  ” ^ 

This  statement  raises  almost  the  only  question  relating 
to  the  purity  of  the  Chinese  Classics.  The  odes  commended 

* “Sacred  Books  of  the  East/*  Vol.  Ill,  p.  276. 

2 “Analects,**  Book  XVII,  ix. 


56 


CONFUCIAN  LITERATURE 

are  those  belonging  to  Part  I,  Books  I and  II,  consisting  of 
twenty-five  poems,  eighteen  of  which  have  to  do  with  jeal- 
ousy, marriage,  the  desire  to  be  married,  etc.  It  is  the  poems 
of  Book  VII  of  Part  I which  contain  references  that  are  as 
indelicate,  from  an  Occidental  viewpoint,  as  those  of  the 
Song  of  Songs.  Inasmuch  as  the  historian  Ssu-ma  Chhen 
is  popularly  regarded  as  correct  in  asserting  that  “Confu- 
cius selected  those  pieces  which  would  be  serviceable  for  the 
illustration  of  propriety  and  righteousness,”  and  as  the  Sage 
himself  said,  “In  the  ‘Book  of  Poetry’  are  three  hundred 
pieces,  but  the  design  of  them  all  may  be  embraced  in  one 
sentence,  ‘Have  no  depraved  thoughts,’  ” ^ how  may  the  in- 
clusion of  these  questionable  poems  be  explained?  Confu- 
cius himself  protested  against  this  section  of  the  “Odes”  in 
the  words,  “Banish  the  songs  of  Cheng;  . . . the  songs  of 
Cheng  are  licentious.”  Their  defense  might,  of  course,  be 
that  one  may  be  taught  by  the  evils  of  history  and  of  society 
to  avoid  impurity  and  wrong,  and  that  such  material  may 
well  be  included  in  a work  picturing  the  life  of  a nation. 

(c)  “The  Canon  of  Changes”  (/  Ching). — This  treatise 
is  on  the  face  of  it  a book  of  divination  and  a prime  con- 
tributor to  the  “science”  of  geomancy,  so  greatly  harmful 
to  China’s  life.  It  is  an  explanation  of  sixty-four  hexagrams 
made  of  all  possible  combinations  of  horizontally  ar^*anged 
whole  and  half  lines.  The  unbroken  line  is  male  and  the 
divided  one  female.  Superficially,  and  in  particular  for  the 
Occidental  reader  of  translations,  it  is  the  most  inane  pro- 
duction imaginable.  It  is  traditionally  ascribed  to  King  Wen 
when  in  prison  previous  to  activities  leading  to  the  foundation 
of  the  Chou  dynasty.  His  son,  the  Duke  of  Chou,  added  a 
commentary,  and  Confucius  is  dubiously  credited  with  a 
second  commentary  having  especial  reference  to  the  moral 
teachings  of  these  hexagrams. 

This  work  is  less  known  than  any  of  the  “Five  Classics” 

* “Analects,”  Book  II,  ii. 

57 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


by  missionaries.  Yet  the  portion  ascribed  to  Confucius  ought 
to  be  read  in  translation  at  least.  If  McClatchie’s  transla- 
tion, “Yih  King,”  is  available,  the  reader  will  find  a wealth 
of  the  religious  ideas  of  the  ancient  Chinese  set  forth  in 
the  introduction  and  appendix,  redeeming  the  task  from  the 
charge  of  utter  uselessness  for  a foreigner.  It  should  also 
be  remembered  that  Confucius  was  so  devoted  to  it  that 
tradition  reports  his  wearing  out  three  sets  of  leather  thongs 
binding  his  edition  together,  while  in  the  “Analects”  we  read : 
“The  Master  said,  Tf  some  years  were  added  to  my  life,  I 
would  give  fifty  to  the  study  of  the  I [Ching],  and  then  I 
might  come  to  be  without  great  faults.’  ” It  need  only  be 
added  that  the  statement  that  it  is  the  oldest  of  the  Classics 
is  wholly  untrue,  for  it  dates  back  only  to  the  beginning  of 
the  Chou  dynasty.  The  eight  trigrams,  by  combining  pairs 
of  which  the  sixty-four  hexagrams  were  produced,  are  un- 
doubtedly far  more  ancient;  and  De  Lacouperie  even  insists 
that  its  diagrams  are  borrowed  from  an  ancient  Accadian 
syllabary. 

(d)  “The  Record  of  Rites”  {Li  Chi). — Professor  Hirth 
says  of  this  Classic: 

“It  is  a collection  of  rules  describing  to  the  minutest  detail  the 
ceremonial  to  be  observed  by  the  Chinese  gentleman  on  all  the  occa- 
sions of  daily  life.  These  rules,  which  may  be  called  the  very  soul  of 
Chinese  society,  probably  existed  long  before  Confucius.  The  ‘Li-ki’ 
corresponds  in  spirit  to  the  ‘Chou-li,’  which  to  us  is  of  much  greater 
importance  as  a record  of  historical  value,  though  it  is  not  now  included 
among  the  canonical  books  of  prime  importance.  The  ‘Li-ki’  may  be 
called  the  ceremonial  code  of  the  private  man,  whereas  the  ‘Chou-li’  is 
devoted  to  public  life  and  the  institutions  of  government.”  ^ 

Alexander  Wylie,  the  eminent  Sinologue,  gives  an  inter- 
esting account  of  the  evolution  of  books  of  ritual,  of  which 
the  “Li  Chi”  is  the  last  and  imperially  accepted  product.^ 

The  true  objective  of  the  work  is  found  in  its  opening 

* Hirth,  “The  Ancient  History  of  China,”  pp.  252,  253. 

* “Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,”  pp.  4-6  (1902  edition). 


58 


CONFUCIAN  LITERATURE 


sentence:  “The  Summary  of  the  Rules  of  Propriety  says, 
Always  and  in  everything  let  there  be  reverence;  with  the 
deportment  grave  as  when  one  is  thinking  deeply,  and  with 
the  speech  composed  and  definite.”  This  suggestion  bears 
out  the  pictograph  for  “li,”  which  is  composed  of  a character 
signifying  “spiritual  beings,”  or  “divine,”  and  of  one  which 
indicates  a vessel  used  in  performing  rites.  The  “Shuo 
Wen,”  the  oldest  dictionary  in  common  use,  defines  “li”  as 
“a  step  or  act;  that  whereby  we  may  serve  spiritual  beings 
and  obtain  happiness.”  These  ideas  are  fundamental  in  the 
understanding  of  the  Classic.  Legge’s  statement  that  “more 
may  be  learned  about  the  religion  of  the  ancient  Chinese 
from  this  Classic  than  from  all  the  others  together,”  is  justi- 
fied by  the  fact  that  it  deals  with  ancestor  worship  as  well 
as  with  the  spirit  of  Chinese  ceremonialism.  A value  more 
rarely  realized  is  that  the  Classic  is  quite  largely  made  up 
of  the  words  of  Confucius,  which  contribute  toward  a fuller 
understanding  of  his  character  and  incidentally  prove  its 
post-Confucian  origin. 

(e)  “Spring  and  Autumn  Annals”  {CWun  CWiu). — The 
Chinese  title  reads  literally  “Spring  Autumn,”  words  which 
are  variously  explained,  most  commonly  on  the  “praise- 
blame”  theory  of  the  “Trimetrical  Classic,”  “These  Annals 
contain  praise  and  blame  and  distinguish  the  good  from  the 
bad.”  This  would  accord  with  the  statement  of  IMencius 
that  “Confucius  completed  the  ‘Spring  and  Autumn  Annals,’ 
and  rebellious  ministers  and  bad  sons  stood  aghast.’  Hence 
it  came  to  be  said  that  ‘one  word  of  such  praise  was  more 
honorable  than  an  embroidered  robe,  and  one  word  of  such 
censure  sharper  than  an  ax.”  ^ Anyone  who  reads  a few 
pages  of  the  work  will  be  sure  that  the  constant  recurrence 
of  seasons  of  the  year,  with  Spring  and  Autumn  as  parts  of 
the  whole,  is  the  real  reason  for  the  name.  The  Classic 
might  more  truly  be  called  “Annals  of  the  State  of  Lu,”  and 

^ Giles,  “San  Tzu  Ching,”  p.  75. 

59 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


it  is  with  the  history  of  the  Sage’s  natal  land  that  it  has 
solely  to  do,  from  722  to  484  B.C  Its  authorship  is  not 
only  attributed  to  Confucius  as  the  only  work  wholly  his, 
but  he  is  reported  as  saying:  “Yes,  it  is  the  ‘Spring  and 
Autumn’  which  will  make  men  know  me,  and  it  is  the  ‘Spring 
and  Autumn’  which  will  make  men  condemn  me.”  ^ No 
modern  student  would  regard  the  author  of  the  “Annals” 
as  a readable  historian,  or  would  rank  him  as  an  annalist 
with  any  creditable  compiler  of  chronological  tables.  Legge 
even  declares  that  Confucius  had  no  reverence  for  truth  in 
history,  that  he  shrank  from  looking  truth  in  the  face,  and 
that  he  had  more  sympathy  with  power  than  with  weakness 
and  would  overlook  wickedness  and  oppression  in  authority 
rather  than  resentment  and  revenge  in  men  who  were  suffer- 
ing from  their  oppression.  “He  could  conceive  of  nothing  so 
worthy  of  condemnation  as  to  be  insubordinate.  Hence  he 
was  frequently  partial  in  his  judgments  on  what  happened 
to  rulers  and  unjust  in  his  estimate  of  the  conduct  of  their 
subjects.  In  this  respect  he  was  inferior  to  Mencius,  his 
disciple.”  ^ 

Even  the  contemporaries  of  Confucius  seemed  to  fear  that 
the  “Ch‘un  Ch‘iu”  was  doomed  to  early  oblivion.  Hence 
three  commentators  hastened  to  the  rescue.  The  best  of 
these  commentaries  was  written  by  Tso-ch‘iu  Ming,  known 
in  China  as  the  “Father  of  Prose,”  and  possibly  a disciple 
of  Confucius.  He  aimed  apparently  to  accomplish  two  things, 
to  explain  the  condensed  annals  and  to  give  a general  view 
of  China  during  that  part  of  the  Chou  period  covered  by 
his  text.  He  succeeded  in  clothing  the  repellant  skeleton  of 
Confucius  with  flesh  and  made  the  annals  live.  Their  his- 
toric accuracy  is  somewhat  in  question. 

2.  *“The  Four  Books”  (Ssu  Shu). — The  Chinese  name  is 
an  abbreviation  of  “Ssu  Tzu  Chih  Shu”  (“Four  Philosophers’ 

» “Mencius,”  Book  III,  Part  II,  viii. 

’“Chinese  Classics,”  Vol.  V,  Part  I,  pp.  50,  51. 


60 


CONFUCIAN  LITERATURE 


Books”),  as  will  appear  later.  Unlike  the  “Five  Classics,” 
they  owe  little  or  nothing  to  the  hand  of  Confucius.  Yet 
they  are  far  more  dominant  in  the  life  and  thought  of  to-day 
than  the  ancient  Classics.  This  is  true  particularly  of  the 
“Analects,”  as  the  mirror  of  the  Sage,  and  of  “Mencius,”  as 
a book  for  the  times.  If  a missionary  has  no  leisure  to  study 
the  “Five  Classics,”  he  ought  to  read  one  or  more  of  the 
“Four  Books,”  at  least  in  translation. 

(a)  *‘'The  Great  Learning”  {Ta  Hsueh). — The  foremost 
Confucian  commentator,  Chu  Hsi,  would  have  the  title  trans- 
lated “Learning  for  Adults,”  and  Ku  Hung-ming  calls  it 
“Higher  Education.”  It  is  the  book  of  the  philosopher, 
Tseng  Ts‘an  (Shen),  one  of  the  most  famous  disciples  of 
Confucius,  according  to  the  “Trimetrical  Classic.”  but  that  is 
doubtful.  Legge  ascribes  it  to  K'ung  Chi,  grandson  of 
Confucius.  Originally  it  was  a part  of  the  “Record  of 
Rites,”  ^ but  it  was  transferred  to  its  present  independent 
place  by  Chu  Hsi.  It  is  made  up,  according  to  him,  of  the 
so-called  text  of  Confucius,  about  a tenth  of  the  book,  and 
of  the  philosopher  Tseng’s  commentary  upon  this  text.  In 
all,  it  constitutes  about  three  per  cent,  of  the  “Four  Books.” 

Its  object  is  “to  illustrate  illustrious  virtue,  to  renovate  the 
people,  and  to  rest  in  the  highest  excellence.”  Occidentals 
would  prefer  an  earlier  reading  than  Chu  Hsi’s,  and  trans- 
late as  the  second  object  “to  love  the  people.”  It  is  a tractate 
upon  self-culture  based  upon  knowledge  and  is  intended  to 
produce  virtue  in  the  individual,  the  family  and  the  state. 
Its  educational  theory  is  practically  what  the  recent  Congress 
of  British  Universities  proclaimed  as  the  aim  of  education — 
that  it  is  not  the  mere  imparting  of  knowledge,  but  the  for- 
mation of  character,  the  making  of  men.^  In  Tseng’s  Com- 
mentary, X,  2,  one  finds  the  fullest  negative  amplification 
of  the  so-called  Silver  Rule  of  Confucius ; though  he  says  of 

> Book  XXXIX  in  Vok  XXVIII  of  “Sacred  Books  of  the  East.” 

* Soothill,  “Three  Religions  of  China,”  p.  236. 


61 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


it,  “This  is  what  is  called  ‘the  principle  with  which,  as  with 
a measuring-square,  to  regulate  one’s  conduct.’  ” 

(b)  *“The  Doctrine  of  the  Mean”  {Chung  Yung). — It  may 
be  asserted  somewhat  positively  that  the  philosopher  of  this 
book  is  the  grandson  of  Confucius,  K‘ung  Chi.  “It  gives  the 
best  account  we  have  of  the  Confucian  philosophy  and 
morals,”  says  Dr.  Legge;  and  Alexander  Wylie  deems  it  the 
most  philosophical  of  the  “Four  Books.” 

The  author,  who  is  more  commonly  called  Tzu  Ssu,  gives 
the  substance  of  the  entire  treatise  in  Chapter  I,  and  sums 
it  all  up  in  the  final  chapter.  As  in  the  “Analects,”  the 
Golden  Rule  is  here  put  negatively ; ^ yet  the  reader  who  will 
turn  to  Chapter  XIII,  3,  4,  will  find  that  in  commenting  on 
it,  Confucius  reviews  his  own  relation  to  the  Rule  as  if  it 
read,  “What  you  like  when  done  to  yourself,  do  to  others,” 
instead  of  in  the  negative  form  in  which  it  appears.  Note 
that  in  this  comment  he  refers  to  four  of  the  “five  relations” 
of  Confucianism.  Chapters  XXX,  XXXI  contain  K‘ung 
Chi’s  eulogium  of  his  grandfather,  the  highest  point  reached 
in  canonical  laudation  of  the  Sage.  Like  the  “Ta  Hsiieh,” 
this  work  was  originally  part  of  the  “Li  Chi.”  ^ 

(c)  *”The  Analects  {Lun  Yu). — These  “Discourses-Con- 
versations,”  or  “Digested  Conversations,”  were,  according 
to  questionable  tradition,  collected  by  the  disciples  of  Con- 
fucius assembled  for  the  purpose  after  his  death.  This  pre- 
cludes any  one  author  from  claiming  the  book.  Its  philos- 
opher is  Confucius  himself,  the  central  figure.  No  other 
Oriental  sage  has  been  so  minutely  described  in  factual  terms 
as  he  has  been  in  these  pages.  Book  XIX  is,  however,  wholly 
devoted  to  the  sayings  of  his  disciples,  while  sections  of  Books 
VIII  and  XI  have  to  do  with  others  than  the  Master. 

The  conversations  reported  are  often  disconnected,  occa- 
sionally repetitious,  and  without  any  progress  of  thought 

’ Hence  the  Confucian  statement  is  often  termed  the  Silver  Rule. 

’ In  the  translation  of  the  Li  Chi  in  ‘’The  Sacred  Books  of  the  East”  (Vol.  XXVIII),  it 
is  Book  XXVIII. 


62 


CONFUCIAN  LITERATURE 


from  book  to  book.  In  chapters  having  a common  subject, 
the  remarks  seem  thrown  together  loosely.  Yet  they  shed 
light  and  luster  upon  Confucius  from  many  points  of  view. 
In  two  Books  especially  they  describe  him  most  minutely. 
Book  VII  pictures  the  Master  himself,  recording  how  the 
Sage  by  his  modesty  instructed  others  and  affording  a de- 
scription of  his  appearance  and  manner.  Book  X,  on  the 
other  hand,  displays  him  in  the  daily  life  which  he  largely 
lived  in  public. 

“It  is  valuable  for  the  detail  it  presents  of  the  habits  and  customs 
not  only  of  Confucius,  but  of  the  period  in  which  he  lived.  Even  an 
‘inspired  man’  must  eat,  drink,  sleep  and  wear  clothes,  and  this  Book 
pictures  for  us  the  man  perhaps  more  faithfully  than  any  other.  Pos- 
sibly his  ceremoniousness  is  exaggerated  by  the  affectionate  admiration 
of  the  compiler ; but  the  Sage,  both  by  nature  and  training,  was  un- 
doubtedly precise  and  punctilious.”  ^ 

Other  features  of  the  Classic  are  two  enunciations  of  the 
I Golden  Rule  in  negative  form,^  in  the  latter  case  as  an  am- 
i plification  of  the  word  “shu,”  “reciprocity,”  which  the  Mas- 
|i  ter  gave  his  disciples  as  “the  one  word  which  may  serve  as 
a rule  of  practice  for  all  one’s  life,”  and  also  discussions  of 
the  five  virtues — benevolence,  righteousness,  propriety,  wis- 
I dom  and  good  faith. 

(d)  *”Mencius”  {Meng  Tzu). — This  is  by  far  the  longest 
j of  the  “Four  Books,”  about  three-fifths  of  the  whole.  Its 

I philosopher  is  the  man  whose  name  it  bears,  and  probably  it 
appears  even  now  substantially  as  it  was  written  by  him. 
Like  the  “Analects,”  it  consists  mainly  of  conversations — in 
great  part  with  princes  and  kings.  For  the  average  Occi- 
dental reader,  this  is  the  most  rewarding  of  all  the  Classics 
of  the  Far  East.  By  the  Chinese  of  the  present  regime  it  is 
regarded  as  more  helpful  from  an  economic  and  political 
viewpoint  than  any  other  of  the  Nine  Classics,  being  the 
production  of  a true  republican.  A missionary  who  trans- 

* Soothill,  “Analects  of  Confucius,”  p.  462. 

* Book  V,  xi,  and  Book  XV,  xxiii. 


63 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


lated  into  English  Dr.  Faber’s  standard  volume  on  Mencius, 
the  Rev.  Arthur  B.  Hutchinson,  thus  characterizes  the 
Classic : 

“Whilst  neither  statesman  nor  philosophers  will  find  the  system  of 
Mencius  perfect  either  as  to  its  political  economy  or  its  moral  teach- 
ings, the  one  will  respect  that  economy  as  having  proved  practical  in 
its  working  for  nearly  three  thousand  years,  whilst  the  other  will  con- 
fess that  it  contains  more  morality  than  others  besides  the  Chinese 
have  ever  been  able  fully  to  grasp  or  completely  to  carry  out.  In  his 
researches  into  human  nature,  Mencius  will  be  found  to  have  antici- 
pated many  of  the  results  of  modern  psychological  study.”  ^ 

From  another  point  of  view  Dr.  Faber  declared  that  Men- 
cius is  better  suited  than  any  other  Chinese  author  to  serve 
as  a foundation  for  an  explanation  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
Gospel  in  harmony  with  the  mind  of  China. 

Nowhere  else  in  English  does  one  get  so  complete  a view 
of  the  Mencian  philosophy  as  is  found  in  Faber’s  “Mind  of 
Mencius.”  A close  and  complete  analysis,  with  five  hundred 
and  sixteen  details,  gives  the  philosopher’s  teachings  on  all 
phases  of  ethics.  To  read  merely  the  twenty-five  pages  of 
analytical  statement  awakens  an  admiration  which  a study  of 
the  two  hundred  and  seventy-two  pages  of  citations  and 
comment  only  increases.  The  sections  discussing  “The 
Heart,”  “The  Relation  of  Heaven  to  Man,”  “The  Four  Car- 
dinal Virtues,”  “The  Holy  or  Ideal  Man,”  “The  Ethico-social 
Relations,”  “National  Education,”  “The  National  Defences,” 
and  particularly  those  relating  to  “War”  and  “Home  Poli- 
tics,” are  interesting  and  important. 

It  has  been  the  attitude  of  Mencius  toward  the  heresies 
of  his  time  that  has  attracted  most  attention  to  his  writings, 
especially  among  orthodox  Confucianists,  whose  dread  of 
heterodoxy  has  been  extreme  in  the  past.  The  heresiarchs 
who  particularly  roused  his  ire,  Mencius  thus  describes : 

“The  words  of  Yang  Chu  and  Mo  Ti  fill  the  country.  If  you  listen 

^ Faber,  “Mind  of  Mencius,”  p.  vi. 


64 


LATER  STAGES  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


to  people’s  discourses  throughout  it,  you  will  see  that  they  have  adopted 
the  views  either  of  Yang  or  of  Mo.  Now  Yang’s  principle  is,  ‘Each 
one  for  himself,’  which  does  not  acknowledge  the  claims  of  the  sov- 
ereign. Mo’s  principle  is,  ‘To  love  all  equally,’  which  does  not  acknowl- 
edge the  peculiar  affection  due  to  a father.  But  to  acknowledge  neither 
king  nor  father  is  to  be  in  the  state  of  a beast.  ...  If  the  principles 
of  Yang  and  Mo  be  not  stopped  and  the  principles  of  Confucius  not 
set  forth,  then  those  perverse  speakings  will  delude  the  people  and 
stop  up  the  path  of  benevolence  and  righteousness.  When  benevolence 
and  righteousness  are  stopped  up,  beasts  will  be  led  on  to  devour  men, 
and  men  will  devour  one  another.”  ^ 

Of  more  universal  interest  is  the  philosopher’s  doctrine  of 
human  nature,  the  antipodes  of  Calvinism’s  doctrine  of  orig- 
inal sin: 

“The  tendency  of  man’s  nature  to  good  is  like  the  tendency  of  water 
to  flow  downwards.  There  are  none  but  have  this  tendency  to  good, 
just  as  all  water  flows  downwards.  By  striking  water  and  causing  it 
to  leap  up,  you  may  make  it  go  over  your  forehead,  and  by  damming 
and  leading  it  you  may  force  it  up  a hill;  but  are  such  movements 
according  to  the  nature  of  water  ? It  is  the  force  applied  which  causes 
them.  When  men  are  made  to  do  what  is  not  good,  their  nature  is 
dealt  with  in  this  way.”  ^ 

So  important  is  this  teaching  regarded  in  Confucian  edu- 
cation that  the  first  six  lines  of  the  “Trimetrical  Classic” 
postulate  it  simply,  but  unequivocally: 

“Men  at  their  birth  are  naturally  good.  Their  natures  are  much 
the  same;  their  habits  become  widely  different.  If  foolishly  there  is 
no  teaching,  the  nature  will  deteriorate.”  ^ 

Education  thus  becomes  as  essential  as  in  Plato’s  view. 

V.  Later  Stages  of  Confucianism 

It  is  fatal  to  a correct  conception  of  Confucianism  to  re- 
gard it  as  having  ceased  to  develop  after  the  final  collection 

* “Mencius,”  Book  III,  Part  II,  ix,  9. 

• “Mencius,”  Book  VI,  Part  I,  ii,  2,  3. 

® Giles,  “San  Tzu  Ching,”  pp.  2-4. 


65 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


of  its  canonical  works,  and  still  less  to  regard  the  word  of 
Confucius  as  the  last  one  of  authority.  Hence,  three  impor- 
tant items  in  its  evolution  are  noted  here ; others  will  be  found 
in  Part  II,  Section  II. 

1.  Chu  Hsi,  or  Chiichis. — Chu  Hsi  is  the  most  eminent  of 
all  Confucian  commentators.  It  is  his  interpretation  of  the 
Classics  which,  more  than  any  other  influence,  has  given 
Confucianism  the  reputation  of  being  wholly  materialistic 
or  practically  atheistic.  Consequently  this  writer  should  be 
known,  at  least  in  outline. 

Born  in  the  home  of  an  official  in  China’s  southeastern 
province  of  Fu-kien,  his  life  was  bounded  by  the  years  1130 
and  1200.  Singularly  able  as  a scholar,  he  won  his  third 
degree,  our  Ph.D.,  at  the  early  age  of  nineteen.  Becoming 
an  official  at  twenty-one,  he  reformed  the  administration  and 
improved  the  condition  of  the  people.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  he  was  suspected  of  strong  Buddhist  leanings — in  fact, 
was  charged  with  having  been  a Buddhist  priest.  Under  the 
guidance  of  the  philosopher  Li  Thing,  he  saw  his  error  and 
gave  himself  up  wholly  to  the  study  of  orthodox  doctrines. 
Appointed  to  a sinecure  in  Hu-nan  province,  where  he  had 
abundant  leisure,  he  gave  himself  to  study  until  summoned 
to  the  Imperial  Court  in  1163.  He  returned  soon  to  com- 
parative retirement  until  1178,  when  he  was  forced  to  accept 
a governorship  in  the  province  of  Kiang-si.  Here  again  his 
administration  was  most  successful.  At  this  time  he  built 
for  himself  the  retreat  called  the  White  Deer  Grotto  on  the 
hills  near  Po-yang  lake,  to  which  ambitious  scholars  of  later 
centuries  resorted,  and  to  which  even  to-day  missionaries 
at  the  Ku-ling  sanitarium  make  pilgrimages  each  summer. 
In  1190,  when  a governor  in  his  natal  province,  he  had  to 
meet  a series  of  attacks  in  which  he  was  accused  of  sedition, 
of  magic,  or  breaches  of  filial  piety  and  of  seducing  nuns. 
In  time  he  was  deprived  of  all  honors  and  of  official  employ- 
ment, but,  three  years  afterward,  was  reinstated.  Being  too 


66 


LATER  STAGES  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


old  and  infirm  to  reenter  office,  he  retired,  accompanied  by 
his  faithful  disciple,  Ts'ai  Ch‘en,  also  a celebrated  scholar. 

It  is  as  an  author  and  commentator  that  Chu  Hsi  is  most 
famous.  His  revision  of  what  is  still  the  standard  history 
of  China,  and  especially  his  commentaries  and  editions  of 
the  Classics,  made  him  the  most  influential  literary  man  of 
the  Empire.  With  supreme  courage  he  made  interpretations 
either  wholly  or  partly  at  variance  with  those  that  had  been 
put  forth  by  the  scholars  of  the  Han  dynasty  and  had  hitherto 
been  received  as  infallible.  Thus,  to  a certain  extent,  he 
modified  the  prevailing  standards  of  political  and  social 
morality.  “His  principle  was  simply  one  of  consistency.  He 
refused  to  interpret  words  in  a given  passage  in  one  sense 
and  the  same  words  occurring  elsewhere  in  another  sense.”  ^ 
He  thus  gained  a standing  second  only  to  that  of  the  two 
founders  of  Confucianism. 

2.  "^Imperial  Confucianism. — At  the  dawn  of  authentic 
history,  we  find  the  Emperor  Shun  sacrificing  specially,  but 
with  the  ordinary  forms,  to  God,  to  the  six  Honored  Ones,^ 
to  the  hills  and  rivers,  and  extending  his  worship  to  the  host 
of  spirits.  Since  this  same  cult  of  God  and  spirits  has  been 
carried  on  under  state  auspices  for  four  millenniums,  it  will 
hardly  be  true  to  facts  to  speak  of  a development  of  this 
type  of  worship,  but  the  cultus  has  received  occasional  accre- 
i tions  in  the  way  of  prayers  and  of  variations  of  ceremony. 
Strictly  speaking,  there  is  but  one  person  who  can  perform 
the  highest  rites ; he  is  the  emperor,  the  Son  of  Heaven.  He 
has  been  called  China’s  high  priest;  but  there  is,  in  reality, 
no  other,  so  that  the  emperor  was  the  priest  of  the  entire 
empire,  so  long  as  it  existed.  His  highest  function  was  to 
offer  various  sacrifices  and  to  read  prescribed  prayers  at  the 
winter  solstice  in  December  at  the  Round  Eminence,  as  the 
circular  triple-terraced  marble  altar  in  the  southern  section 

^ Giles,  “A  Chinese  Biografhical  Dictionary,”  pp.  174-176. 

I “ These  are,  perhaps,  the  Seasons,  Cold  and  Heat,  the  Sun,  the  Moon,  the  Stars  and 

Drought. 


67 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


of  Peking  is  called.  Among  all  the  world’s  altar  stairs,  none 
are  dedicated  to  a nature  worship  so  imposing  as  these,  where 
under  the  stars  and  lighted  by  torches  the  Emperor  was 
wont  to  kneel  before  the  tablet  of  Heaven  and  those  of  his 
imperial  ancestors  in  performance  of  a ritual  made  sacred 
by  the  reiteration  of  multitudes  of  successive  occupants  of 
the  Dragon  Throne.  Gifts  of  jade,  silk,  broth,  incense,  and 
even  of  burnt  sacrifices,  remotely  suggest  ancient  Jewish 
offerings,  but  the  accompanying  prayers  are  widely  different. 
On  lower  terraces  of  this  incomparable  altar  are  tablets  to 
the  spirits  of  the  sun,  the  moon,  the  Great  Bear,  the  planets 
and  constellations  with  their  starry  host,  as  well  as  to  those 
of  the  winds,  the  clouds,  the  rain  and  the  thunder — a nature 
worship  as  varied  and  unspiritual  as  that  of  the  darkest 
period  of  Israel’s  religious  decadence.  On  other  stated  occa- 
sions the  Emperor  usually  delegated  his  priestly  duties  to 
high  officials ; though  in  time  of  calamity  and  national  need, 
the  Son  of  Heaven  as  ruler  of  men  confessed  his  short- 
comings and  besought  heavenly  aid.  Thousands  of  mission- 
aries have  found  in  him  an  apperceptive  approach  to  the 
people  when  they  would  tell  them  of  our  Great  High  Priest 
who  bore  the  sins  of  men  and  who  linked  them  to  the  Most 
High  God. 

3.  "^Confucianism  Since  the  Recent  Revolution. — This  can- 
not readily  be  described,  since  it  is  that  part  of  Confucian- 
ism’s development  which  is  being  seen  daily.  When,  on  Oc- 
tober 9,  1911,  the  bomb  exploded  in  Hankow  that  made  the 
Imperial  House  fall  into  ruins,  the  Son  of  Heaven  virtually 
ceased  to  exist,  and  his  place  was  taken  on  January  1,  1912, 
by  Dr.  Sun,  quickly  followed  by  Yiian  Shih-k‘ai.  It  was  per- 
mitted the  deposed  sovereign  to  perform  the  religious  cere- 
monies at  the  imperial  ancestral  temples  and  tombs — prac- 
tically only  an  ancestor  worship.  In  March,  1914,  President 
Yiian  reestablished  the  old  religious  rites  in  strange  disagree- 
ment with  the  official  request  sent  out  by  him  to  all  Protestant 


68 


LEADING  INFLUENCES  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


and  Catholic  churches  of  the  Republic,  on  April  27  of  the 
previous  year,  calling  for  prayer  for  the  national  government 
in  all  its  varied  needs.  On  December  23,  1914,  the  President, 
as  direct  successor  of  the  Emperor,  performed  the  state 
worship  at  the  Altar  of  Heaven,  using  the  regalia  of  the 
Chou  dynasty  and  following  the  old  rites,  except  that  there 
was  no  burning  of  a whole  bullock.  The  kowtow  was  dis- 
pensed with  also,  the  President  merely  bowing  to  the  altar, 
instead  of  prostrating  himself.  He  offered  with  appropriate 
ritual  a blue  paper  inscribed  with  prayers  written  in  ver- 
milion, a tray  containing  blood  and  the  hair  of  a bullock, 
silk,  soup,  wine,  grain  and  jade,  all  of  which  except  the  last 
were  then  burned  in  the  great  brazier  adjoining  the  altar. 
If  this  looks  ominous  for  the  nation,  the  official  permission 
given  Christians  to  preach  freely,  standing  on  the  platform 
of  the  temple  of  Heaven,  and  the  proviso  by  reason  of  which 
the  common  citizen  is  free  to  worship  in  his  own  family,  so 
as  to  secure  uniformity,  are  favorable  signs.  Even  more  so 
is  the  later  discussion  in  Parliament  and  throughout  the 
Republic  in  1917,  as  to  whether  the  constitution  should  de- 
clare that  Confucianism  is  the  state  religion. 

VI.  Leading  Influences  of  Confucianism 

Whether  the  missionary  candidate  reads  any  transla- 
tions of  Confucian  literature  or  not,  it  is  highly  desirable 
that  through  general  discussions  of  the  system  he  should 
have  well  in  mind  some  of  its  leading  features.  Four  of 
these  aspects  are  mentioned  below. 

1.  * Confucianism  an  Ethical  System. — While  religion  is 
not  lacking  in  a true  sense,  the  dominating  feature  of  Con- 
fucianism is  that  of  an  ethical  system,  perhaps  first  among 
ethical  religions,  and  second  only  to  Christian  ethics.  A 
few  central  teachings  of  the  system  have  to  do  with  the 
“Five  Relations”  and  the  “Five  Constants.”  Others  will 


69 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


be  found  in  Part  II,  Section  V.  The  “Five  Relations” 
have  to  do  with  the  relationships  of  society.  They  are  not 
uniformly  stated,  but  usually  they  are  the  relations  that 
should  exist  between  prince  and  minister,  husband  and  wife, 
father  and  son,  elder  and  younger  brothers,  and  between 
friends.  Summarized,  with  the  order  changed  and  with 
slight  explanations,  they  are  thus  given  in  the  “Three  Char- 
acter Classic”:  “Affection  between  father  and  son;  harmony 
between  husband  and  wife;  friendliness  on  the  part  of  the 
elder  brother;  respectfulness  on  the  part  of  the  younger 
brother;  precedence  between  elders  and  youngers,  as  be- 
tween friend  and  friend;  respect  on  the  part  of  the  sovereign; 
loyalty  on  the  part  of  the  subject: — these  ten  obligations  are 
common  to  all  men.”  ^ They  are  thus  wholly  human,  with 
no  recognized  relation  between  man  and  God  expressed 
therein.  The  “Five  Constants”  are  those  virtues  which 
Confucianism  regards  as  ever  existing.  The  list  varies,  but 
the  commonest  one  reads  “benevolence,  righteousness,  pro- 
priety, knowledge  and  good  faith.”  These  English  equiva- 
lents by  no  means  express  the  full  connotation  of  the  Chinese 
characters  employed;  yet  they  suggest  what  is  commonly  in 
the  mind  of  Confucianists  when  they  use  the  ideographs 
thus  rendered.  In  Japan  the  first  of  these,  “benevolence,” 
“humanity,”  or  whatever  one  believes  is  the  most  accurate 
translation  of  the  Chinese  character  jen,  is  deemed  the 
most  central  and  important.  Dr.  Faber  favors  an  earlier 
classification,  with  only  three  leading  virtues,  knowledge, 
benevolence  or  humanity,  and  valor,  as  subdivisions  of  the 
central  one  of  te,  virtue.^ 

2.  ^Confucianism  a Social  Force. — This  is  a hardly  less 
conspicuous  characteristic  of  the  system  than  the  foregoing. 
Confucianism  has  dominated  the  social  life  of  China  from  a 
remote  period,  and  even  under  the  new  order  such  dominance 
is  a strong  feature  of  Confucianism.  The  family  life  of 

* Giles.  “San  Tzu  Ching,”  pp.  45-49. 

* “Systematical  Digest  of  the  Doctrines  of  Confucius,”  pp.  44-49. 

70 


LEADING  INFLUENCES  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


China  is  especially  worthy  of  attention.  Many  of  the  most 
difficult  practical  problems  which  the  missionary  has  to  meet 
arise  from  the  necessity  of  a transition  from  the  old  close 
social  unit  of  the  family  to  a modern,  Christian  individual- 
ism. It  will  be  helpful  to  agree  that  the  West  has  over-em- 
phasized individualism  and  the  East  the  community,  and  that 
the  ultimate  social  unit  recognizes  each.  The  writings  of 
Mencius  are  important  in  estimating  the  social  values  of 
Confucianism,  no  less  than  sections  of  the  “Record  of  Rites.” 
In  Japan  the  social  bonds  which  so  firmly  united  the  daimio 
and  his  retainers  of  the  feudal  regime,  and  which  survive 
in  a moribund  Bushido,  with  its  wholesouled  but  exagger- 
ated spirit  of  loyalty,  are  due  largely  to  Confucianism. 

3.  ^Confucianism  a Factor  in  Political  Life. — Confucius 
himself  gave  a large  share  of  his  time  to  the  instruction  of 
those  who  were  to  aid  the  rulers  of  his  day,  and  often  advised 
the  rulers  themselves.  Mencius  in  some  respects  was  even 
more  active  in  such  work.  Confucianism  is,  therefore,  and 
has  always  been,  an  active  influence  in  politics  which  has 
affected  the  entire  governmental  system.  It  was  Confucian- 
ism’s teachings  as  embodied  in  the  Canon  that  formed  the 
basis  of  the  examination  system  in  China,  abolished,  Septem- 
ber 2,  1905.  Confucianism,  which  awarded  the  degree, 
was  essential  for  holding  civil  office.  Since  the  abolition  of 
this  practice,  Confucian  literature  has  steadily  lost  its  earlier 
importance  in  China.  It  hardly  needs  saying  that  neither 
Korea  nor  Japan  has  felt  the  Confucian  influence  in  politics 
for  many  years. 

4.  ^Confucianism  a Leavening  Force. — Two  neighboring 
countries,  Korea  and  Japan,  accepted  this  faith  at  different 
periods,  and  it  soon  became  a dominant  element  in  the  re- 
ligion and  life  of  those  lands.  Variations  naturally  sprang 
up,  which  are  worthy  of  note.  They  constitute  the  exotic 
elements  of  the  system  to-day. 

(a)  "^Korean  Confucianism. — This  is  more  nearly  like  the 

71 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


Confucianism  of  China  than  is  that  of  Japan.  In  its  tradi- 
tional origin,  it  was  pre-Confucian.  The  story  runs  that 
Korea’s  first  great  civilizer,  Chi  Tzu  (Korean  Ki-ja),  was 
one  of  the  noble  counsellors  who  tried  to  reform  the  last 
emperor  of  the  Shang  dynasty.  When  that  tyrant  had  been 
overcome,  about  1122  B.C.,  by  King  Wu,  the  founder  of  the 
Chou  dynasty,  Chi  Tzu  was  so  loyal  to  his  vanquished  lord 
that  he  asked  and  received  permission  to  migrate  with  five 
thousand  followers  to  what  is  now  northern  Korea.  He 
communicated  to  King  Wu  an  important  section  of  the 
“Canon  of  History,”  known  as  “The  Great  Plan,”  ^ and  is 
said  to  have  taken  with  him  to  his  new  Korean  home  the 
aphorisms  and  principles  which  later  made  up  the  Confu- 
cian  “Canon  of  History”  and  “Canon  of  Poetry.”  ^ Passing 
over  this  more  or  less  uncertain  history,  the  Confucian  schol- 
ars who  took  refuge  in  Korea  at  the  founding  of  the  Han 
dynasty,  about  200  B.C.,  must  have  carried  their  doctrines 
with  them.  In  our  fourth  century,  the  Confucian  Classics 
constituted  the  basic  culture  of  the  country.  Not  until  the 
last  dynasty  was  founded,  in  1392,  exactly  a century  before 
Columbus  discovered  America,  was  Confucianism  made  the 
state  religion  and  its  Classics  the  basis  of  appointment  to 
office.  To-day,  under  Japanese  rule,  the  Korean  gentleman 
of  the  old  style  is  the  surviving  orthodox  remnant  of  Con- 
fucianism, though  Dr.  Hulbert  may  be  correct  in  saying 
even  of  him  as  one  of  the  national  mass : “As  a general  thing, 
we  may  say  that  the  all-round  Korean  will  be  a Confucianist 
when  in  society,  a Buddhist  when  he  philosophizes,  and  a 
spirit  worshiper  when  he  is  in  trouble.”  ® 

(b)  "^Japanese  Confucianism. — From  the  fact  that  Con- 
fucianism met  with  no  serious  opposition  in  entering  Japan, 
as  was  the  case  with  Buddhism  and  Christianity,  Professor 
Inouye  argues  that  its  teachings  were  from  the  first  in  har- 

> “Shu  ChinR,”  Book  V.  Part  IV’.  It  may  have  had  a Taoist  origin.  — 

’ Hulbert,  “History  of  Korea,”  V’ol.  I.  p.  8. 

“ "The  Passing  of  Korea,”  pp.  403,  404. 


72 


LEADING  INFLUENCES  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


mony  with  the  innate  character  of  the  Japanese.  Achiki,  a 
Korean  envoy  to  the  Japanese  court,  was  the  first  Confu- 
cianist  to  bring  the  Classics,  and  he  was  followed  by  a com- 
petent scholar  named  Wani,  who  olfered  to  the  Throne  the 
“Analects”  and  a Millenary  Classic.^  The  Crown  Prince 
studied  under  him,  and  thus  Confucianism  and  its  literature 
took  firm  root  in  the  land.  In  our  seventh  century  a central 
university  at  Kyoto  was  established,  using  the  Classics  as 
text-books.  The  Heian  Epoch  (784-1184)  contained  its  Au- 
gustan age,  albeit  one  of  slavish  groveling  among  Chinese 
ideographs.  Canons  and  commentaries. 

In  the  twelfth  century  came  the  breath  of  life  as  thus 
described  by  Dr.  Inouye: 

“Among  a great  many  Confucianists  of  the  Sung  Dynasty,  Chutsze 
[Chu  Hsi]  above  all  grasped  the  spirit  of  Buddhism  and,  using  it  as 
the  framework,  clothed  it  with  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Confucianism,  and 
thus  evolved  the  theory  of  ri  and  ki  [the  former  indicating  the  natur- 
ally existed  idealistic  principle  and  the  latter  the  material  principle]. 
It  was  largely  due  to  his  strenuous  efforts  that  vitality  was  restored 
once  again  to  decadent  Confucianism.  The  system  of  learning  which 
flourished  in  the  Han  and  T'ang  dynasties  occupied  itself  in  expound- 
ing passages  in  the  Confucian  Classics  by  means  of  annotations  and 
commentaries,  chiefly  from  an  etymological  and  philological  point  of 
view,  and  thus  naturally  was  barren  of  practical  interest  and  utterly 
devoid  of  fresh  vigor.  The  Sung  school  of  learning,  on  the  other 
hand,  did  not  attach  much  moment  to  minor  details  of  etymological 
study,  but  attempted  to  grasp  directly  the  true  spirit  of  Confucianism 
as  reflected  in  the  learner’s  own  mind.  In  order  to  know  the  mental 
attitude  of  the  ancient  sages,  therefore,  it  was  deemed  unessential  to 
have  recourse  to  far-fetched  explanations  of  the  etymology  of  their 
sayings,  the  theory  being  that  the  subject-matters  were  discoverable 
near  at  hand  in  the  mind  of  every  learner.  In  short,  the  Sung  school 
of  learning  was  a new  form  of  the  exposition  of  Confucianism  with 
some  admixture  of  Buddhist  elements.  Compared  with  the  original 
form  of  Confucianism,  it  differed  in  many  respects,  and  marked  great 
progress  in  profundity  of  reasoning.  ...  It  brought  vitality  to  the 

^ An  elementary  reading  book  made  up  of  a thousand  characters,  no  one  of  which  is 
used  twice,  if  like  the  similar  Chinese  Classic. 

73 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


Confucianism  of  the  day  and  qualified  it  to  be  taken  as  a standard  of 
moral  conduct.”  ^ 

As  Buddhist  priests  had  been  the  chief  teachers  of  Con- 
fucianism in  the  thirteenth  century,  so  in  the  “Revival  of 
Learning”  of  the  Tokugawa  period’s  early  years  an  ex-Bud- 
dhist  priest,  Seikwa  Fujiwara  (1561-1619)  was  the  great 
advocate  of  the  Chutsze,  or  Shushi,  school,  which  was  the 
most  influential  branch  of  learning  throughout  the  period. 
It  was  his  liberal  mind  that  harmonized  the  teachings  of 
Buddha  and  Confucius.  He  and  distinguished  followers  of 
his  own  and  of  succeeding  generations,  prominent  among 
whom  were  Kazan  Hayashi,  Junan  Kinoshita,  the  volumi- 
nous Hakuseki  Arai,  Sato  Issai  and  Rai  Sanyd,  made  Chu- 
tsze’s  teachings  the  foundation  of  the  educational  system  of 
the  Tokugawa  government,  and  thus  had  much  to  do  with 
the  development  of  national  character.  Indeed,  this  school 
of  interpretation  became  orthodox,  and  at  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  an  edict  was  issued  prohibiting  all  con- 
trary doctrines. 

The  seventeenth  century  saw  the  rise  of  two  other  schools 
of  Confucianism.  The  first  to  appear  was  the  Yomei  School, 
named  after  Wang  Yang-ming  (Wang  Shou-jen),  of  China 
(1472-1528).  Its  first  Japanese  exponent  was  Nakae  Toju 
(1608-78),  the  “Sage  of  Omi,”  whose  teaching  was  monistic 
and  idealistic.  Identifying  knowledge  and  Qonduct,  he  prac- 
ticed what  he  taught.  Ryochi,  something  wider  and  deeper 
than  conscience,  is  the  law  of  the  school.  It  declared  that 
men  should  put  into  action  whatever  this  faculty  judged  to 
be  good  and  right.  It  was  the  school  to  which  belonged  at 
least  five  eminent  leaders  who  were  greatly  influenced  by  its 
teaching  in  their  shaping  of  the  new  Japan  of  half  a cen- 
tury ago. 

The  other  school  was  the  Kogakuha,  or  Classical  School. 
Independently  and  in  the  same  year,  1662,  Yamaga  Sok5  and 

^ Okuma,  “Fifty  Years  of  New  Japan,”  Vol.  II,  pp.  46,  47. 

74 


MODERN  CONFUCIANISTS 


Ito  Jinsai  framed  the  new  system.  It  denounced  the  Sung 
teachings  of  Shushi  (Chu  Hsi)  as  defiling  the  pure  and 
genuine  doctrines  of  Confucius  through  the  introduction  of 
Buddhist  and  other  elements.  Professor  Ashida  likens  teach- 
ings of  these  leaders  to  those  of  modern  perfectionists.  Soko 
drew  about  him  some  three  thousand  students,  upon  whom 
he  impressed  the  vital  importance  of  the  principles  of  jin  and 
gi,  benevolence  and  righteousness,  as  the  “way  of  life,”  So 
effectively  did  he  describe  and  practice  Bushido  that  the 
famous  vendetta  of  the  “Forty-seven  Ronin”  was  due  to  his 
teachings. 

Other  schools,  such  as  the  Eclectic,  the  Philological  and 
Historical,  and  the  Independent  schools  cannot  be  described 
in  detail.  Dr,  Inouye’s  general  summary  of  Confucianism’s 
influence  on  modern  Japan  is  thus  stated: 

“That  the  majority  of  those  who  participated  in  the  making  of  the 
New  Japan  toward  the  end  of  the  third  period  consisted  of  Confu- 
cianists  is  an  undeniable  fact,  . , . Of  all  the  branches  of  Confucian- 
ism, the  Chutsze  school  and  the  Wang  Yang-ming  school  produced 
most  pioneers  of  the  new  era,  , , , It  may  be  added  that  the  readiness 
with  which  our  people  grasped  and  adopted  the  newly  introduced 
Western  civilization  was  in  the  main  due  to  the  mental  training  that 
they  had  received  from  the  study  of  Confucianism  throughout  the 
Tokugawa  age.”  ^ 


VII.  Modern  Confucianists  and  Confucian  Peoples 

The  Japanese,  Korean  and  Chinese  Confucianists  of  to- 
day, with  the  exception  of  the  older  scholars  of  these  coun- 
tries, are  a conspicuous  example  of  modification  of  type,  and 
should  be  carefully  studied  as  such  by  all  who  propose  to 
carry  to  them  the  Christian  message. 

1.  "^Traits  Common  to  Confucian  Peoples. — One  cannot 
easily  influence  an  Oriental  without  first  understanding  him 
and  his  point  of  view.  There  are  many  traits  common  to 

* Okuma,  “Fifty  Years  of  New  Japan/*  Vol.  II,  pp.  62,  63. 

75 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


Confucian  peoples,  such  as  loyalty,  filial  piety,  industry  and 
patience,  which  are  the  common  possession  of  even  the  most 
ignorant  of  their  fellow  countrymen,  and  these  should  be 
borne  in  mind.  It  is  at  this  point  that  the  differentiation 
between  Japanese,  Korean  and  Chinese  Confucianists  is  most 
marked.  The  national  traits  of  the  three  races  are  naturally 
the  substratum  of  such  variations  and  need  not  be  discussed 
in  detail  in  this  report.^ 

2.  ^Special  Characteristics  of  Confucian  Scholars. — A 
Confucian  scholar  is  much  the  same  man  wherever  he  lives. 
Certain  outstanding  qualities  common  to  them  as  a class  are 
worth  noting. 

(a)  ^Conservatism  in  Ethics  and  Religion. — An  unwill- 
ingness to  change  characterizes  most  of  the  older  men,  partic- 
ularly in  China.  They  believe  in  the  transmitted  wisdom  of 
the  past.  It  is  the  conservation  of  what  they  regard  as  the 
best  that  makes  them  hostile  to  the  Christian  message,  or  at 
least  very  reluctant  to  accept  its  teachings.  Modern  Japan- 
ese scholars  desire  to  conserve  only  such  ideals  as  seem  most 
desirable  for  an  eclectic  religion. 

(b)  Ethical  Emphasis. — Ethics  rather  than  religion 
is  the  supreme  interest  of  these  men.  Professor  Tachibana 
gives  the  following  differences — not  all  of  them  beyond  ques- 
tion— between  the  ethical  systems  of  China  and  Japan; 

“Chinese  ethics  is  founded  on  the  worship  of  Heaven,  whereas  the 
Japanese  worship  ancestral  spirits ; the  Chinese  pay  supreme  respect 
to  men  of  wisdom  and  hence  admit  that  unwise  and  tyrannical  mon- 
archs  may  be  dethroned  at  the  people’s  will,  whereas  the  Japanese 
regard  the  Mikados  as  sacred  and  inviolable ; and,  lastly,  the  chief 
virtues  of  the  former  are  benevolence  and  filial  piety,  whereas  the 
latter  attribute  supreme  value  to  loyalty  and  rectitude,  loyalty  and 
filial  piety  being,  according  to  their  national  morality,  identical”  ^ 

The  Japanese  holder  of  Confucian  views  is  far  more  ready 
and  competent  to  discuss  ethical  questions  than  is  the  Chinese 

^ The  references  to  this  paragraph  in  Appendix  D will  merit  careful  consideration. 

2 “Encj  clopsdia  of  Religion  and  Ethics/'  Vol.  V,  p.  500. 


76 


MODERN  CONFUCIANISTS 


or  Korean  holder  of  these  doctrines.  Yet  in  all  Far-Eastern 
lands  religion  is  secondary  to  ethics  among  scholars. 

(c)  ^Courtesy  and  Politeness. — In  all  three  countries 
much  stress  is  laid  upon  courtesy  and  politeness;  their  dis- 
regard by  the  missionary  prejudices  his  cause.  Careful  in- 
struction in  Far-Eastern  etiquette  as  observed  by  scholars  is 
important.  Dr.  J.  C.  Garritt,  of  Nanking,  writes:  “Polite- 
ness is  to  the  Confucianist  practical  ethics — the  outlet  by 
which  he  satisfies  his  conscience  as  to  his  allegiance  to  the 
cult.”  Dr.  Gale,  of  Korea,  truthfully  declares : “This  [cere- 
monial courtesy]  is  the  greatest  lack  of  the  western  mission- 
ary. Ceremony  enters  into  the  very  soul  of  the  East — too 
much  so,  the  Occidental  thinks — and  he  too  often  imagines 
that  his  blunt  way  will  prevail  to  rectify  it,  but  it  does  not.” 

3.  ^Modernity  as  Affecting  Confucianists. — Occidental 
learning,  especially  in  its  scientific  and  agnostic  aspects,  has 
deeply  affected  those  Confucianists  who  have  read  at  all 
widely  in  European  and  American  literature.  It  has  greatly 
modified  their  views  and  in  general  has  made  them  at  once 
open  to  religious  discussion  and  also  skeptical,  often  to  the 
last  degree.  The  most  liberal  and  materialistic  views  of  re- 
ligion and  ethics  are  perhaps  most  acceptable  to  the  average 
Confucianist.  It  is  well  for  the  candidate  to  have  a clear- 
headed grasp  of  such  views,  whether  he  endorses  them  or  not. 

4.  *How  Confucianists  Regard  Christianity. — Those  who 
have  not  been  affected  by  Occidental  discussions  of  liberal 
religion  are  usually  open  to  the  Christian  message.  Others 
who  have  been  so  influenced  are  prone  to  regard  Christianity 
as  a creed  and  a cult  which  are  outgrown  and  impracticable. 
As  compared  with  Christianity’s  influence  over  China  and 
Japan,  the  superiority  of  Confucianism  in  the  Far  East  is 
interestingly  set  forth  by  Dr.  Ch‘en  in  the  last  two  pages  of 
his  “Economic  Principles  of  Confucius  and  His  School.”  Yet 
however  difficult  it  may  be  to  meet  some  of  these  scholars 
on  ethical  and  religious  grounds,  the  object-lesson  of  the  be- 


77 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


lieving  and  devout  Christian  life  counts  more  with  them  than 
the  most  learned  replies  to  Confucian  objections  and  doubts 
regarding  Christianity. 

5.  *The  Popular  Religious  Life  of  Confucian  Lands. — 
Popular  religion  is  a synthesis  with  little  conscious  eclecti- 
cism on  the  part  of  the  masses,  whom  we  are  now  considering 
in  this  section. 

(a)  */m  China. — The  hopeless  confusion  of  religious  be- 
liefs is  well  mirrored  in  the  medley  found  in  Dr.  Du  Bose’s 
“Dragon,  Image  and  Demon.”  Professor  De  Groot’s  “Re- 
ligious System  of  China,”  of  which  six  volumes  have  already 
been  published,  gives  a less  popular  view  of  China’s  composite 
religious  thought  and  life.  While  his  studies  are  greatly  in- 
fluenced by  southeastern  China,  where  his  personal  investi- 
gations were  carried  on  for  the  most  part,  the  common  life 
is  everywhere  else — though  to  a less  degree — shadowed  by 
animistic  fears,  and  is  under  the  sway  of  the  spirits  of  the 
dead.  Evidences  of  popular  religion  are  far  more  common 
in  the  southern  than  in  the  northern  half  of  the  Republic. 
Buddhism  south  of  the  Yang-Tzu  River  is  more  dominant 
than  in  North  China;  but  in  every  province  the  Three  Re- 
ligions have  their  place  in  individual  and  family  life — mainly 
when  demanded  by  exigencies  of  life  and  death.  Relatively 
few  resort  to  temples  in  North  and  Central  China,  and  those 
are  women  for  the  most  part.  The  services  are  unintelligible, 
being  in  the  original  language  of  Buddhist  Scriptures,  and  all 
religious  teaching  is  absent  in  public  worship.  It  should  be 
added  that  while  religious  instruction  is  not  given  publicly 
by  any  of  these  religions,  there  is  current  among  the  people 
a goodly  supply  of  religious  proverbs  which,  if  not  heeded 
commonly,  nevertheless  constitute  a convenient  introduction 
for  the  sermons  and  talks  of  the  missionary  who  knows  and 
uses  them.  Confucianism  in  China  has  no  temples  for  popu- 
lar use,  and  its  rites  are  those  connected  with  ancestor  wor- 
ship before  the  tablets  in  the  homes  or  in  ancestral  temples. 


78 


MODERN  CONFUCIANISTS 


or  at  the  family  cemeteries,  particularly  at  the  April  “sweep- 
ing the  graves”  festival. 

(b)  */w  Korea. — As  the  revival  of  Buddhism  under  Jap- 
anese rule  has  not  yet  become  widely  eifective,  spirit  worship 
is  the  form  which  religion  most  commonly  takes.  The  refer- 
ence to  common  sights  and  usages  mentioned  on  page  14 
above  will  suggest  the  wealth  of  similar  material  which  is 
illustrative  of  Korean  religion  in  common  life.^ 

(c)  */w  Japan. — The  lower  classes  in  the  Japanese  Em- 
pire are  prevailingly  devoted  to  religion.  Shintoism  concerns 
them  somewhat ; Buddhism  universally  enters  into  their  lives ; 
and  evidences  of  religion  and  superstition  are  present  under 
wayside  trees  and  on  the  high  hills.  It  is  in  the  grounds  of 
Japan’s  grove-surrounded  artistic  Buddhist  temples,  how- 
ever, that  the  crowds  are  to  be  found.  Here  worship  by  in- 
dividuals, not  by  the  crowd,  contributions  to  the  priesthood, 
and  occasionally  in  the  more  modernized  sects  preaching  re- 
sembling our  ethical  culture  addresses,  are  supplemented  by 
the  joys  of  a bazaar  and  the  social  amenities  of  an  Occidental 
picnic. 

(d)  Confucian  Strain. — The  preceding  paragraphs 
have  suggested  how  pervasive  and  interlocking  the  varying 
cults  appear  in  some  of  the  phases  of  Far-Eastern  life.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  how  the  Confucian  element  influences  the 
other  beliefs,  especially  on  the  side  of  formal  ceremony,  of 
literary  influences  and  of  the  omnipresent  ancestor  worship. 
The  subtle  influence  which  is  often  termed  the  “Confucian 
mind,”  by  which  is  meant  the  characteristic,  uncalculated 
reaction  of  these  peoples  towards  the  problems  of  life,  is  not 
easily  describable  in  concrete  terms.  It  is,  however,  some- 
thing which  the  young  missionary  should  be  alert  to  recog- 
nize in  all  his  studies  and  to  utilize  in  his  experience. 

^ The  readings  suggested  under  this  paragraph  in  Appendix  D will  indicate  much  of  this 
material. 


79 


VIII.  Missionaries  to  Confucianists 


While  this  section  describes  certain  qualifications  that  are 
desirable  when  the  missionary  actually  begins  his  work  in 
the  Far  East,  and  though  the  items  below  are  not  capable  of 
being  the  objects  of  study,  their  mention  here  may  aid  in 
cultivating  traits  and  in  forming  habits  that  will  help  the 
candidate  in  his  future  work. 

1.  *The  Primacy  of  Character. — The  great  difference  be- 
tween Confucianism  and  Christianity,  as  the  most  open- 
minded  Confucianists  grant,  is  the  dynamic  effect  upon  life 
of  Christianity  as  compared  with  the  relative  helplessness 
of  their  own  ethics  to  transform  character.  In  all  mission 
lands  character  is  a sine  qua  non,  but  in  Confucian  countries 
it  is  peculiarly  important  because  of  the  emphasis  upon  ethics 
in  the  sacred  books.  Hence  the  cultivation  of  a wholly  con- 
sistent, strong  and  Christlike  character  is  a matter  of  pre- 
eminent importance  for  workers  in  the  Far  East. 

2.  "^Personality. — The  Chinese  Classics  make  much  of  the 
great  importance  of  personality  to  the  one  who  would  influ- 
ence others.  This  same  belief  is  commonly  possessed  by 
modern  Confucianists.  Hence  missionaries  working  for 
them  should  cultivate  those  elements  which  are  most  attract- 
ive to  the  Oriental,  while  keeping  one’s  personality  wholly 
patterned  after  Christ.  This  is  said  for  the  reason  that  there 
is  a strong  tendency  for  workers  among  Confucianists  to  be- 
come so  absorbed  in  the  Classics  as  practically  to  become 
Confucianists.  Chinese,  Japanese  and  Korean  Confucian 
teachers,  especially  if  they  are  now  Christians,  can  readily 
point  out  the  traits  which  make  this  strong  appeal.  A read- 
ing of  the  “Record  of  Rites”  by  the  candidate  in  America 
will  suggest  many  of  the  matters  on  which  high  value  is 
placed  in  China,  just  as  a thoroughgoing  discussion  of  Bu- 
shido would  aid  the  missionary  to  Japan. 

3.  *Home  Training  for  the  Task. — While  the  field  is  the 


80 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  JUNIOR  MISSIONARIES 


ideal  place  for  final  training,  a beginning  may  be  made  at 
home.  Confucianists  being  mainly  educated  and  having  a 
dominating  influence  over  the  people,  the  candidate  should 
be  similarly  well  educated  and  competent  to  help  them  to 
clarity  of  view  on  moral  and  religious  subjects,  and  also  upon 
other  matters  affecting  the  new  life  of  the  developing  Orient. 
A good  general  education  will  aid  greatly  in  this.  So  also 
will  it  be  of  advantage  for  the  candidate  to  cultivate  acquaint- 
ance or  friendship  with  the  Korean,  Japanese  and  Chinese 
students  in  our  universities.  The  prospective  missionary 
must  beware,  however,  of  trusting  every  such  student  as  an 
authority  on  Far-Eastern  matters.  Many  of  them  are  not 
only  young,  but  immature  and  very  superficial  in  their 
knowledge  of  Oriental  religions  and  problems. 

The  candidate  can  also  prepare  himself  for  his  future  work 
through  participation  in  certain  Christian  activities  here 
which  will  aid  him  in  later  service  in  the  Far  East.  Thus 
the  Young  Men’s  and  Young  Women’s  Christian  Associa- 
tions have  proved  very  acceptable  and  helpful  to  students  of 
the  Orient,  and  a practical  acquaintance  with  their  methods 
is  a very  direct  preparation  for  Korea,  China  and  Japan. 

Personal  work  for  men  is  the  best  way  of  winning  Con- 
fucianists and  scholars  generally,  especially  in  Japan.  All 
the  experience  one  has  at  home  in  such  work  will  enrich  one’s 
equipment  abroad.  So,  also,  participation  in  any  form  of 
social  or  religious  leadership  will  aid  the  prospective  mis- 
sionary who  will  mould  or  direct  similar  leadership  in  the 
Far  East. 

Part  II.  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  JUNIOR  MISSION- 
ARIES IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 

This  section  will  have  little  that  is  new  for  the  young  mis- 
sionary who  has  attended  a first-grade  language  or  training 
school  on  the  field,  except  where  Confucianism,  for  some 


81 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


reason,  has  not  been  given  a prominent  place  in  its  curricu- 
lum, It  is  hoped,  however,  that  even  such  thoroughly  trained 
juniors  will  find  the  section  helpful  as  a reminder.  Most  men 
and  women,  after  two  years  of  language  study,  begin  their 
public  labors  with  little  leisure  for  anything  except  their  as- 
signed duties  and  further  language  work.  They  come  in  con- 
tact with  educated  men  and  students  whom  they  are  anxious 
to  influence,  and  to  that  end  they  soon  feel  the  importance 
of  a more  detailed  knowledge  of  Confucianism  than  they 
possess.  In  their  isolated  stations  away  from  the  larger 
missionary  centers,  they  are  at  a loss  to  know  where  to  find 
the  information  upon  a given  subject  which  has  come  up  for 
discussion  and  concerning  which  they  may  be  quite  ignorant. 
It  is  true  that  all  three  countries  have  a plethora  of  editions 
of  the  Chinese  text  of  the  Confucian  Classics,  but  the  mis- 
sionaries in  Korea  and  Japan  know  little  Chinese,  while  in 
China  the  colloquial  has  made  such  demands  upon  their  time 
that  junior  missionaries  read  the  Classics  with  some  diffi- 
culty and  hesitate  to  embark  upon  the  boundless  sea  of  the 
Confucian  canonical  literature.  It  is  for  a large  class  of 
missionaries,  therefore,  that  these  notes  are  provided. 

They  appear  under  headings  for  convenience  of  reference, 
thus  constituting  a brief  syllabus  of  a few  of  the  many  topics 
that  the  young  missionary  may  wish  to  study  from  time  to 
time.  From  a pedagogical  point  of  view  the  plan  here  adopted 
is  open  to  serious  objection,  since  the  ideal  method  to  pursue 
is  for  the  missionary  to  read  in  the  original  Chinese  text, 
or  in  translation,  the  entire  Canon  and  then  reach  his  own 
conclusions.  The  present  outline  savors  of  the  tabloid  and 
will  be  criticised  for  that  reason.  The  Committee  feels,  how- 
ever, that  the  advantages  of  having  definite  subjects  for  study 
with  references  to  the  requisite  sources,  roughly  outlined 
from  actual  experience  in  the  Far  East,  are  sufficiently  great 
to  offset  all  possible  disadvantages. 

Far-Eastern  missionaries  are  so  busy  that  none  of  them 


82 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  JUNIOR  MISSIONARIES 


can  hope  to  find  time  to  follow  out  in  its  entirety  the  analyzed 
syllabus  below.  Yet  its  arrangement  is  such  that  at  a glance 
anyone  can  find  what  he  is  likely  to  encounter  in  his  conver- 
sations with  scholars  who  quote  Confucian  books.  In  the 
bibliography  of  Appendix  C a number  of  books  and  period- 
ical articles  bearing  on  the  subject  will  be  found  where  the 
views  of  first-hand  scholars  and  of  others  having  a knowl- 
edge of  the  topics  being  studied  are  helpfully  set  forth.  Un- 
fortunately few  mission  stations  have  many  of  these  sources. 

The  practical  suggestions  in  Section  VI  may  seem  too  ob- 
vious, or  too  general  for  use.  They  are  inserted  more  for 
the  purpose  of  suggesting  that  something  be  done  with 
interested  holders  of  Confucian  views  than  that  these  par- 
ticular plans  should  be  followed  out.  More  promising  Con- 
fucian inquirers  have  been  lost  hold  of  through  a lack  of 
following  up  than  from  any  other  single  cause. 

It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  the  junior  missionary 
should  always  realize  that  even  very  intelligent  Confucian- 
ists  are  rarely  won  by  mere  argumentation.  While  they 
know  their  own  Canon  far  better  than  most  missionaries 
know  their  Bible,  they  are  so  ignorant  of  the  Christian 
scheme  that  they  will  hesitate  to  argue  with  the  missionary, 
both  for  the  sake  of  saving  their  own  “face”  and  that  of  their 
Occidental  friend.  What  they  usually  desire  is  to  know  the 
content  and  practical  value  of  Christianity,  and  this  should 
be  presented  in  a constructive  way  with  little  destructive, 
anti-Confucian  argumentation  on  the  missionary’s  part.  It 
is  here  supposed  that  young  missionaries  have  been  prepared 
in  theology  and  possess  a good  knowledge  of  the  Bible,  and 
above  all  that  they  have  an  intimate  sense  of  fellowship  with 
God. 

It  may  be  well  to  repeat  what  was  said  to  missionary  can- 
didates in  Part  I that  it  is  desirable  to  read  this  report  from 
the  beginning,  even  though  the  information  given  is  element- 
ary, since  many  items  will  be  found  which  may  be  needed  to 


83 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


supplement  information  gained  on  the  field.  The  missionary 
anticipating  his  first  furlough  who  desires  to  extend  his 
studies  at  those  institutions  which  oflfer  the  best  advantages 
for  his  purpose  should  correspond  with  the  Secretary  of  his 
Board  or  with  the  Board  of  Missionary  Preparation. 

I.  Additional  Items  Concerning  Confucian 
Literature 

1.  Texts  and  Introductions. — The  fuller  introductions  and 
other  prolegomena  of  Dr.  Legge’s  monumental  volumes — the 
edition  which  also  contains  the  Chinese  text — are  extremely 
important.  Soothill’s  “Analects”  also  supply  valuable  ma- 
terial of  the  same  sort  for  that  Classic.  Couvreur’s  works 
are  likewise  very  useful  for  readers  of  French.  M'Clatchie’s 
“Yih  King”  (“Canon  of  Changes”)  is  especially  valuable 
for  its  introduction  and  notes. 

2.  Importance  of  the  Commentaries. — Every  missionary 
quoting  from  the  original  texts  of  the  Classics  should  be 
sure  as  to  the  Confucian  interpretation  of  these  passages; 
otherwise  his  quotations  may  go  for  naught.  A Chinese 
scholar  demands  exactness  of  use  in  accordance  with  tradi- 
tion. Consequently,  a knowledge  of  the  standard  comment- 
ary on  each  important  quotation  is  desirable,  if  not  essential. 
Dr.  Legge’s  comments,  following  the  materialistic  views  of 
Chu  Hsi,  are  the  best  available.  Soothill’s  comments  on  the 
“Analects”  are  excellent  also.  Ku  Hung-ming’s  English 
translation  of  the  “Analects”  (“The  Discourses  and  Sayings 
of  Confucius”)  and  of  the  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean”  (“The 
Conduct  of  Life”)  are  partial  paraphrases  and  modern  adap- 
tations from  the  Chinese  viewpoint;  hence  they  afford  valu- 
able sidelights  on  modern  Confucianism. 

3.  Extra-Canonical  Confucian  Literature. — There  is  a 
great  mass  of  such  literature  which  is  described  in  Alexan- 
der Wylie’s  “Notes  on  Chinese  Literature.”  The  junior 


84 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


I missionary  cannot  afford  the  time  to  study  these  works,  but 
it  is  desirable  that  he  should  read  the  text  or  translation  of 
I Sheng  Yii  Kuang  Shun,  or  the  “Sacred  Edict,”  and  note 
carefully  what  is  said  there  under  Chapter  VII  about  het- 
erodox religions,  including  Roman  Catholic  teachings. 

There  is  also  one  semi-canonical  work,  “Hsiao  Ching,”  or 
“Filial  Piety  Canon,”  dubiously  attributed  to  Confucius  and 
found  in  the  “Sacred  Books  of  the  East,”  Vol.  Ill,  which 
I missionaries  dealing  with  Confucianism  may  well  know 
something  about.  It  deals  with  every  feature  of  the  relation 
between  parent  and  child.  This  work,  however,  is  distinctly 
j less  important  than  the  “Sacred  Edict.” 
i The  “Family  Sayings”  (“Chia  Yii”),  or  more  fully,  “K'ung 
Tzu  Chia  Yii”  of  Wang  Su,  of  our  third  century,  is  very 
probably  spurious  in  parts ; ^ yet  it  ranks  so  high  among  the 
uncanonical  authorities  that  it  should  be  read  in  translation, 

; if  Vols.  IX-XI  of  the  “Chinese  Recorder”  are  available.^ 
Its  scope  is  indicated  by  these  lines  from  the  later  preface: 

“ ‘The  Family  Sayings  of  Confucius’  contains  narratives  which  the 
Kung  [Duke],  the  chief  ministers,  the  scholars  and  great  officers,  to- 
'i  gether  with  seventy-two  disciples,  were  able  to  find  out  by  inquiry  and 
i by  mutual  questioning.  Afterwards  the  disciples  each  wrote  down 
[ what  he  had  inquired  into,  at  the  same  time  that  the  ‘Lun  Yii’  [“Ana- 

I lects”]  and  ‘Hsiao  Ching’  [‘Filial  Piety  Classic’]  were  compiled.  The 
disciples  selected  the  most  important,  correct  and  true  of  his  sayings  to 
form  the  ‘Lun  Yii.’  Those  remaining  they  collected  and  wrote  down, 
' calling  them  ‘The  Family  Sayings  of  Confucius.’  ” 

II.  Additional  Facts  in  the  Development  of 
Confucianism 

i 1.  Effect  of  “The  Burning  of  the  Books.” — This  literary 
catastrophe,  occurring  during  the  reign  of  the  Great  Wall 
builder,  Shih  Huang  Ti  (Ch‘in  Shih  Huang),  B.C.  213,  has 

^ This  is  Alexander  Wylie’s  judgment. 

’ Mr.  Hutchinson’s  translation  contains  only  Book  I.  Professor  Giles  criticises  it  very 
severely,  and  with  good  reason. 


85 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


a direct  bearing  upon  the  authenticity  of  the  Confucian  texts. 
Nearly  five  hundred  scholars  were  buried  alive,  and  all  exist- 
ing manuscripts  were  supposedly  destroyed;  so  that  in  the 
succeeding  dynasty  the  texts  had  to  be  restored,  partly  from 
the  memories  of  scholars  and  partly  from  reputed  original 
copies,  particularly  from  one  manuscript  found  in  the  wall 
of  Confucius’s  house. 

2.  Conflicts  of  Confucianism  with  Heretics  and  Opposers. 
— The  exclusive  use  of  the  canonical  works  as  a basis  of  civil 
service  examinations  for  many  centuries  in  China  has  given 
the  impression  that  Confucianism  met  with  little  or  no  oppo- 
sition. This  is  far  from  being  true. 

(a)  Leading  Heresies. — Those  who  desire  to  investigate 
the  subject  may  read  a full  statement  in  the  Prolegomena  of 
“The  Chinese  Classics,”  Vol.  II,  in  which  the  views  of  Yang 
Chu  and  Mo  Ti,  the  opponents  of  Mencius,  are  set  forth  with 
some  fullness.  The  former,  D.  T.  Suzuke,  lecturer  at  the 
Tokyo  University,  calls  “the  most  rigorous  expounder  of 
hedonistic  egoism  in  the  history  of  ante-Ch‘in  philosophy,” 
while  of  Mo  Ti’s  “utilitarianism  pure  and  simple,”  he  writes: 
“It  contains  many  conceptions  which  are  closely  similar  to 
Christianity,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  if  it  were  fostered 
amongst  a people  who  were  more  idealistic,  imaginative  and 
above  all  religious,  it  might  have  developed  into  a system 
almost  like  Christianity.”  ^ Other  later  opponents  of  Con- 
fucian views  were  Hsiin  K'uang  (Sun  Ch'ing)  and  Han  Yii 
(Han  Wen  Kung),  whose  views  as  to  the  nature  of  man  are 
given  in  Chinese  and  in  translation  in  Legge’s  Prolegomena, 
just  referred  to. 

(b)  Official  Opposition  to  Chinese  Sectarianism. — The 
Chinese  government  especially  has  been  opposed  almost  al- 
ways to  non-Confucian  beliefs  when  they  came  in  conflict  in 
a serious  way  with  its  ethical  views.  Deferring  for  the 
present  the  consideration  of  such  opposition  to  Christianity, 

' “A  Brief  History  of  Early  Chinese  Philosophy,”  p.  93. 


86 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


the  junior  missionary  may  wisely  look  into  the  government’s 
attitude  toward  Buddhists,  Taoists,  Moslems  and  the  secret 
sects. 

Buddhists  have  met  with  the  widest  opposition.  A hint 
of  this  may  be  found  in  Chapter  IX  of  Beal’s  “Buddhism  in 
China.”  The  serious  student  of  the  entire  topic  will  find 
in  De  Groot’s  “Sectarianism  and  Religious  Persecution  in 
China”  much  fuller  details,  derived  mostly  from  official  docu- 
ments. Since  Confucianism  has  been  the  state  religion  from 
the  founding  of  the  Han  dynasty,  any  religion  differing  from 
it  must  be  heterodox.  Buddhism  has  been  regarded  as  such 
for  other  reasons  also.  It  was  a foreign  importation  to 
begin  with,  and  hence  could  not  appeal  to  classical  antiquity. 
Its  practice  of  celibacy  ran  counter  to  Confucianism’s  doc- 
trine of  the  family  and  indirectly  to  the  claims  of  filial  piety. 
“Three  things,”  says  Mencius,  “are  unfilial,  and  to  have 
no  posterity  is  the  greatest  of  them.”  Its  monastic  estab- 
lishments afforded  a refuge  for  runaway  criminals  in  some 
cases,  and  always  furthered  a life  of  economic  non-produc- 
tivity. Its  doctrines  of  future  rewards  and  punishments 
undermined  imperial  authority.  Immorality,  due  to  the  in- 
termingling of  the  sexes  in  night  and  day  worship  in  the 
temples,  is  also  charged  in  the  “Sacred  Edict.”  It  is  not 
surprising  that  at  many  times  persecutions  were  directed 
against  the  Buddhists  and  that  they  were  required  to  return 
to  secular  callings,  with  the  sequestration  of  all  temple  prop- 
erty. On  the  other  hand,  at  certain  times  the  state  favored 
Buddhism,  as  the  full  Index  of  De  Groot  makes  evident. 

Taoists  were  not  so  commonly  persecuted,  partly  because 
theirs  is  an  indigenous  faith  and  because  at  Taoism’s  center 
was  Tao,  the  doctrine  concerning  which  was  held  by  Con- 
fucianism in  great  measure.  Its  divinities  are  “the  same  old 
heathen  gods  whom  Confucianism  believes  in  and  worships 
as  classical.  Besides,  Taoism  possesses  as  an  heirloom  from 
classical  antiquity  a worship  of  a selection  of  historical,  semi- 

87 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


historical  and  fabulous  national  forefathers,  which  corre- 
sponds entirely  to  the  ancient  ancestor-worship,  the  keystone 
of  Confucianism  itself.”  ^ It  has  been  alternately  favored  by 
the  state  and  by  emperors  and  grandees,  and  just  as  per- 
sistently it  has  been  persecuted  by  them.  At  present  Taoist 
monasteries  have  almost  disappeared,  and  as  a religion  ap- 
pealing to  the  intellect  of  men  its  influence  is  virtually  nil. 

Mohammedans  have  been  looked  upon  by  the  state  mainly 
as  a political  menace.  From  755  A.D.,  when  the  Turk  or 
Tatar  leader.  An  Lu-shan,  proclaimed  his  independence  and 
rose  against  the  emperor  Hsiian  Tsung,  the  government  had 
difficulty  with  Moslems,  though  their  greatest  troubles  cul- 
minated in  the  six  rebellions  of  the  last  dynasty,  between  the 
years  1785  and  1876.  The  general  policy  of  the  emperors 
as  head  of  the  Confucian  state  is  thus  summarized  in  two 
decrees  of  1781 : 

“Both  documents  are  based  on  this  principle : persecute  their  religion 
as  long  as  you  can  do  it  without  bad  consequences  for  the  government, 
especially  when  they  live  in  discord  or  are  at  strife  on  religious  ques- 
tions ; and  for  the  rest,  weaken  them  by  carrying  off  their  chiefs  and 
leaders ; but  whatever  you  do,  do  it  with  circumspection.”  ^ 

A better  spirit  exists  to-day,  when  one  of  the  stripes  of 
the  Chinese  flag — popularly  said  to  be  the  black  one — repre- 
sents Moslems,  though  as  a race  rather  than  as  a religion. 

The  secret  sects  of  China  have  had  a stormy  time  under 
Confucian  rulers.  They  come  under  the  head  of  “heresy” 
on  their  religious  side,  and  too  often  they  have  been  political, 
anti-dynastic  associations.  Junior  missionaries  should  know 
of  these,  since,  in  some  cases,  as  in  Shan-tung  and  Fu-kien 
provinces,  they  have  been  found  very  helpful  to  the  Chris- 
tian cause.  Under  the  old  r%ime  they  were  severely  dealt 
with,  when  found  opposed  to  morals  and  government.  The 
first  article  in  the  “Law  Against  Heresies”  reads  thus: 

* De  Groot,  “Sectarinnism  and  Religious  Persecution  in  China,”  Vol.  I,  p.  17. 

» Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  p.  315. 


88 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


“Religious  leaders,  or  instructors,  and  priests  who,  pretending  thereby 
to  call  down  heretical  gods,  write  charms  or  pronounce  them  over 
water,  or  carry  around  palanquins  (with  idols),  or  invoke  saints,  calling 
themselves  orthodox  leaders,  chief  patrons,  or  female  leaders;  further, 
all  societies  calling  themselves  at  random  White  Lotus  communities 
of  the  Buddha  Maitreya,  or  the  Ming-tsun  religion,  or  the  school  of 
the  White  Cloud,  etc.,  together  with  all  that  answers  to  practices  of 
tso  too,  or  i twan;  finally,  they  who  in  secret  places  have  prints  and 
images  and  offer  incense  to  them,  or  hold  meetings  which  take  place 
at  night  and  break  up  by  day,  whereby  the  people  are  stirred  up  and 
misled  under  the  pretext  of  cultivating  virtue, — shall  be  sentenced,  the 
principal  perpetrators  to  strangulation,  and  their  accomplices  each  a 
hundred  blows  with  the  long  stick,  followed  by  a lifelong  banishment 
to  the  distance  of  three  thousand  miles.”  ^ 

A note  added  to  the  Law  gives  particulars  as  to  the  meet- 
ings of  certain  societies: 

“If  anywhere  amongst  the  people  the  gods  are  received  or  welcomed, 
or  thanksgiving-meetings  held,  or  if  the  people  pass  the  borders  to 
present  incense-sacrifices  anywhere,  or  play  on  drums  and  cymbals,  or 
hang  out  flags  and  set  up  banners,  thus  giving  occasion  to  both  sexes 
to  mix  together,  then  the  Prefect  of  the  department  and  that  of  the 
district  in  question,  if  they  do  not  go  there  to  investigate  the  matter 
and  put  it  down,  shall  forfeit  their  salary  for  six  months.  . . . And 
when  among  the  people  meetings  are  convoked  for  the  exercise  of 
virtue,  or  when  salvation-seekers  assemble  the  public  to  recite  religious 
books,  then  the  Prefect  who  falls  short  in  discovering  the  matter,  shall 
forfeit  his  salary  for  three  months.”  ^ 

(c)  Confucianism's  Official  Relation  to  Korean  Religion. 
— Confucianism  was  the  religion  of  officialdom  in  Korea 
prior  to  the  introduction  of  Buddhism.  From  the  fourth 
to  the  fourteenth  century  the  new  faith  weakened  Confu- 
cianism, especially  in  its  palmy  days  during  the  era  of  Korai 
(905-1392  A.D.).  During  the  latter  period  Buddhism  aided 
the  ablest  intellects  of  the  land,  while  its  gift  to  the  people 
of  the  Unmun  writing  system  has  been,  from  the  eighth  or 
ninth  century,  a priceless  aid  to  popular  literacy. 

* De  Groot,  “Sectarianism  and  Religious  Persecution  in  China,”  Vol.  I,  p.  137. 

“Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  145,  146. 


89 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


Under  the  last  dynasty,  or  from  the  fifteenth  century,  Con- 
fucianism was  both  the  official  and  popular  cult,  at  times 
reaching  the  point  of  bigotry,  intolerance  and  persecution. 
Yet  it  also  has  had  rulers  who  favored  Buddhism  almost 
as  fully  as  the  Buddhist  kings  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  latest 
Korean  attempt  to  further  Buddhism  officially  came  in  1902, 
when  the  Emperor  consented  to  the  establishment  of  a great 
central  monastery  for  the  entire  country  near  Seoul,  with  a 
high  priest  in  charge  of  the  whole  Buddhist  community  in 
the  land.  Before  that,  in  1876,  the  Shin  sect  of  Japanese 
Buddhists  had  sent  missionaries  to  preach  and  convert.  Since 
the  Japanese  occupation  there  has  been  no  conflict  between 
Confucian  and  Buddhist  interests,  and  the  latter  religion  is 
making  marked  progress. 

(d)  Relation  of  Confucianism  to  Japanese  Religions. — 
Officially  there  was  never  any  conflict  of  importance  between 
Confucianism  and  Japan’s  other  religions.  Indeed,  Bud- 
dhism was  the  first  active  teacher  of  Confucianism,  and  for 
a millennium  (600-1600  A.D.)  there  was  harmony  between 
the  two  systems  of  belief.  The  impending  fall  of  the  Ming 
dynasty  of  China  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  the  signal 
for  an  exodus  of  Confucian  scholars  who  fled  from  the  hated 
Manchu  rule  to  Japan.  Here  they  received  a warm  official 
welcome  from  lyeyasu,  who  had  printed  the  Chinese  Classics 
and  established  a college  at  Yedo.  These  Chinese  “scholars 
of  the  Dispersion  may  be  likened  to  those  of  the  exodus  of 
the  Greek  learned  men  after  the  capture  of  Constantinople 
by  the  Turks.  Confucian  schools  were  established  in  most 
of  the  chief  provincial  cities.  For  over  two  hundred  years 
this  discipline  in  the  Chinese  ethics,  literature  and  history 
constituted  the  education  of  the  boys  and  men  of  Japan.  Al- 
most every  member  of  the  Samurai  classes  was  thoroughly 
drilled  in  this  curriculum.”  ^ Buddhism  naturally  lost  influ- 
ence among  the  educated  Japanese  and  officials.  Under  the 

' Griffis,  “The  Religions  of  Japan,”  pp.  134,  135. 

90 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


Restoration  of  1868,  Buddhism  was  deprived  of  its  political 
prestige,  and  Confucianism  was  consigned  to  the  hands  of 
classical  exegetes.  Official  recognition  no  longer  favors  Con- 
fucianism, except  as  its  ethics  are  embodied  in  the  Imperial 
Rescript  on  Education  of  1890.  Later  “it  became  the  custom 
for  teachers  and  pupils  to  come  together  on  certain  national 
holidays  to  listen  to  its  reading.  It  is  taken  in  the  most 
reverential  way  from  the  box  in  which  it  is  kept,  slowly  un- 
rolled and  read  to  the  members  of  the  school,  who  stand  with 
bowed  heads  as  they  listen  to  the  august  words  of  their 
emperor.  The  slightest  lack  of  decorum  is  looked  upon  as 
I almost  treasonable.”  ^ 

3.  Sung  Dynasty  Philosophers. — The  Sung  dynasty  pe- 
j riod  marked  a more  important  epoch  in  the  development  of 

j Confucianism  than  any  since  that  of  its  early  founders. 

Hence  it  should  be  studied  with  some  care.  While  the  im- 
portance of  Chu  Hsi  has  overshadowed  most  of  the  others, 
Wang  An-shih,  the  social  reformer  of  our  eleventh  century, 
was  a character  of  interest  in  this  time  of  experiments  in 
China.  His  principal  reforms  were  the  nationalization  of 
commerce,  state  advances  to  farmers  on  the  security  of  grow- 
ing crops,  the  enlisting  as  soldiers  of  one  man  from  each 
family  having  more  than  two  males,  money  payments  instead 
of  the  former  forced  labor,  the  establishment  of  depots  for 
bartering  and  hypothecating  goods  throughout  the  empire, 
the  care  of  cavalry  horses  by  a system  whereby  each  family 
cared  for  a horse  at  the  government’s  expense,  and  the  re- 
measurement of  land  in  order  to  secure  a more  equitable 
incidence  of  taxation. 

In  Dr.  Martin’s  “Pleiad  cluster,  a constellation  whose  light 
has  not  yet  reached  our  shores,”  are  four  other  philosophers 
besides  Chu  Hsi  whose  rank  is  such  that  for  five  hundred 
years,  since  the  publication  of  the  great  “Encyclopaedia  of 
Philosophy,”  they  have  been  imperially  regarded  as  the  stand- 

* Cary,  “History  of  Christianity  in  Japan,”  V’ol.  II,  pp.  226,  227. 


91 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


ard  of  Confucian  orthodoxy.  Their  choice  sayings  are 
found  in  Chu  Hsi’s  “Chin  Ssu  Lu”  (“Record  of  Modern 
Thought”).  Through  reading  the  fourteen  books  or  chap- 
ters of  this  work,  Chinese  missionaries  especially  will  profit 
greatly,  while  other  readers  may  get  the  gist  of  it  in  Dr. 
Richard’s  “Conversion  by  the  Million,”  Chapter  XIV.  All 
four  lived  wholly  within  the  eleventh  century,  save  Ch'eng  I, 
who  died  in  1107,  twenty-three  years  before  the  birth  of 
Chu  Hsi,  who  calls  him  “My  Master,”  His  elder  brother, 
Ch'eng  Hao,  though  not  “the  tutor  to  the  great  Chu  Hsi,” 
as  Professor  Giles  asserts,^  was  so  highly  esteemed  by  him 
that  he  places  Hao  immediately  after  Mencius  in  the  list 
of  great  scholars.  Chou  Tun-i  was  the  teacher  of  the 
brothers  Ch'eng,  and  his  chief  works  had  to  do  with  the 
“Canon  of  Changes,”  upon  which  Chu  Hsi  commented.  The 
fourth  of  these  Sung  philosophers,  the  forerunners  of  Chu- 
cius,  was  Chang  Tsai,  a famous  teacher  and  lecturer  who 
had  specialized  upon  the  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean.”  As  Con- 
fucianism failed  to  satisfy  his  spiritual  needs,  he  turned 
toward  Buddhism  and  Taoism.  His  nephews,  the  brothers 
Ch‘eng,  so  greatly  influenced  him  that  he  returned  fully  to 
the  Confucian  fold,  though  he  carried  into  his  writings  what 
is  indicated  in  Dr.  Martin’s  sentence  when  speaking  of  the 
quintette:  “All  five  were  Confucian  scholars,  but  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  their  mental  activity  was  stimulated  and  its 
direction  determined  by  the  speculations  of  Buddhist  and 
Taoist  writers.”  ^ 

4,  Wang  Yang-ming. — Of  the  many  later  philosophers  in 
China  and  Japan  who  have  contributed  to  the  modification 
of  Confucianism,  only  this  one  is  especially  important  to 
the  student  and  interested  missionary.  As  stated  on  page 
74,  this  Chinese  philosopher  has  been  appreciated  in  Japan 
quite  as  much  as  at  home.  His  given  name  was  Shou-jen 

* “Chinese  Biographical  Dictionary,”  No.  278. 

* “Lore  of  Cathay,”  pp.  34,  35. 


92 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


— though  his  sobriquet  Yang-ming  is  more  common — and 
his  life  covered  the  years  1472  to  1528.  Its  influence  upon 
Japan  is  hinted  at  in  the  reference  just  given.  In  China,  in 
these  days,  he  is  a sort  of  indigenous  “Marcus  Aurelius” 
Orientalized. 

The  marked  philosophical  differentiation  between  him  and 
Chu  Hsi  lies  in  his  being  an  idealist  of  the  monistic  type, 
whereas  Chucius  was  a realist  who  believed  that  things  exist 
in  their  own  right,  quite  apart  from  the  mind,  yet  not  in 
j such  a way  that  knowledge  of  them  is  impossible.  “As  a 
rationalizing  and  socializing  factor  in  the  development  of 
life  [Wang  Yang-ming’s]  exposition  exhibits  the  following 
doctrines:” 

1 “(1)  Every  individual  may  understand  the  fundamental  principles 

' of  life  and  of  things,  including  moral  laws,  by  learning  to  understand 
his  own  mind  and  by  developing  his  own  nature.  This  means  that  it 
is  not  necessary  to  use  the  criteria  of  the  past  as  present-day  stand- 
ards. . . . (2)  On  the  practical  side,  every  one  is  under  obligation  to 
keep  knowledge  and  action,  theory  and  practice,  together,  for  the 
former  is  so  intimately  related  to  the  latter  that  its  very  existence  is 
involved.  . . . The  Individual  has  within  himself  the  spring  of  knowl- 
edge and  should  constantly  carry  into  practice  the  things  that  his 
intuitive  knowledge  of  good  gives  him  an  opportunity  to  do.  (3) 
Heaven,  earth,  man,  all  things  are  an  all-pervading  unity.  The  uni- 
verse is  the  macrocosm,  and  each  human  mind  is  a microcosm.  This 
naturally  leads  to  the  conceptions,  equality  of  opportunity  and  liberty, 
and  as  such  serves  well  as  the  fundamental  principle  of  social  activity 
and  reform.”  ^ 

The  four-volume  edition  of  his  works  published  by  the 
Commercial  Press,  Shanghai,  is  a convenient  one  provided 
for  the  students  of  China.  Volume  I of  this  edition  has  been 
translated  by  Professor  Henke  for  the  use  of  non-Chinese 
scholars.  Of  the  five  hundred  sections  of  the  full  work,  the 
chapters  on  “Learning,”  “Southern  Kan”  and  “Thoughts  on 
I Agriculture”  are  commended  by  Wylie  as  especially  good. 

I * Henke,  “The  Philosophy  of  Wang  Yang-ming,”  pp.  xiii,  xiv. 


93 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


5.  Confucianism  as  Affected  by  Other  Asiatic  Religions. — 
Previous  sections  have  shown  some  of  the  effects  of  other 
faiths  upon  this  system;  hence,  only  a few  added  statements 
are  called  for. 

(a)  Japanese  Religions. — How  Confucianism,  Buddhism 
and  Shinto  supplemented  and  superseded  each  other  is  in- 
terestingly discussed  by  Dr.  Gulick.  Speaking  at  first  of  the 
Tokugawa  period,  he  says: 

“The  Japanese  were  weary  of  Buddhistic  puerilities  and  transcen- 
dental doctrines  that  led  nowhere.  They  demanded  sanctions  for  the 
moral  life  and  the  social  order;  in  response  to  this  need  Buddhism  gave 
them  Nirvana — absolute  mental  and  moral  vacuity.  Confucianism 
gave  them  principles  whose  working  and  whose  results  they  could  see 
and  understand.  Its  sanctions  appealed  both  to  the  imagination  and 
to  the  reason,  antiquity  and  learning  and  piety  being  all  in  their  favor. 
The  sanctions  were  also  seen  to  be  wholly  independent  of  puerile  super- 
stitions and  foolish  fears.  The  Confucian  ideals  and  sanctions,  more- 
over, coincided  with  the  essential  elements  of  the  old  Shinto  world-view 
and  sanctions.  . . . Confucianism,  therefore,  swept  the  land.  It  was 
accepted  as  the  groundwork  and  authority  for  the  most  flourishing 
feudal  order  the  world  has  ever  seen.  . . . 

“This  difference,  however,  is  to  be  noted  between  the  Shinto  ideal 
social  order  and  the  Confucian,  or  rather  that  development  of  Confu- 
cian ethics  and  civics  which  arose  during  the  Tokugawa  Shogunate ; 
Shinto  appears  to  have  been,  properly  speaking,  nationalistic,  while 
feudal  Confucianism  was  tribal.  Although  in  Confucian  theory  the 
supreme  loyalty  may  have  been  due  the  Emperor,  in  point  of  fact  it 
was  shown  to  the  local  daimyo.  Confucian  ethics  was  communal  and 
might  easily  have  turned  in  the  direction  of  national  communalism ; 
it  would  then  have  coincided  completely  with  Shinto  in  this  respect. 
But  for  various  reasons  it  did  not  so  turn,  but  developed  an  intensely 
local,  a tribal  communalism,  and  pushed  loyalty  to  the  Emperor  as  a 
vital  reality  into  the  background.  This  was  one  of  the  defects  of 
feudal  Confucianism  which  finally  led  to  its  own  overthrow.  . . . 

“Another  difference  between  Shinto  and  Confucianism  as  it  existed 
in  Japan  should  not  escape  our  attention,  namely,  in  regard  to  their 
respective  world-views.  Shinto  was  confessedly  a religion ; it  frankly 
believed  in  gods  whom  it  worshiped  and  on  whose  help  it  relied.  Con- 
fucianism, or  to  use  the  Japanese  name,  Bushido,  was  confessedly 


94 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  CONFUCIANISM 


agnostic.  It  did  not  assume  to  understand  the  universe,  as  Buddhism 
assumed.  Nor  did  it  admit  the  practical  existence  of  gods  or  their 
power  in  this  world,  as  Shinto  believed.  It  maintained  that,  ‘if  only 
the  heart  follows  the  way  of  truth,  the  gods  will  protect  one  even 
though  he  does  not  pray.’  It  laid  stress  on  practical  moralities,  regard- 
less of  their  philosophical  presumptions,  into  which  it  would  not  probe. 
When  pressed  it  would  ascribe  all  to  ‘Heaven’;  and,  as' we  have  seen, 
it  had  many  implications  that  would  lead  the  inquiring  mind  to  a 
belief  in  the  personal  nature  of  ‘Heaven.’  Had  it  developed  these 
implications,  Bushido  would  have  become  a genuine  religion.  It  was 
indeed  a system  of  ethics  touched  with  emotion ; it  was  religious,  but  it 
failed  to  become  the  religion  it  might  have  become  because  it  insisted 
on  its  agnosticism  and  refused  to  worship  the  highest  and  best  it 
knew.  ...  In  the  worship  of  Confucius,  Bushido  almost  became  a 
religion ; but  it  worshiped  the  teacher  instead  of  the  Creator,  maintain- 
ing its  agnosticism  as  to  the  Creator — as  to  ‘Heaven’ — to  the  end,  and 
j thus  lapsed  from  the  path  of  religious  evolution.”  ^ 

(b)  Taoism. — Taoistic  teachings  and  tendencies  have  had 
an  influence  upon  Confucianists,  and  Taoism  may  be  re- 
garded as  more  truly  a religion  than  is  its  more  famous  rival. 
A few  religiously  inclined  Confucianists,  now  that  the  ban 
upon  Taoism  has  been  revoked,  are  turning  their  thoughts 
toward  this  mystical  faith  as  a possible  rival  to  Christianity, 

{ or  at  least  as  a help  to  the  formation  of  a syncretistic  re- 
I ligion. 

(c)  Chinese  Buddhism. — It  has  often  greatly  influenced 
the  leaders  among  scholars  and  emperors,  China’s  late  Em- 
press Dowager  herself  being  a recent  example  of  Buddhism’s 
influence  upon  the  imperial  mind.  There  is  at  present  a de- 
cided renewal  of  the  strength  of  Buddhism  in  China.  There 
are  modern  translations  of  Buddhist  books  and  modern  in- 
terpretations of  its  spirit.  There  are  well-known  scholars 
in  Peking  who  openly  promulgate  its  teachings.  The  mis- 
sionary should  know  the  teachings  of  Buddhism  which  par- 
ticularly appeal  to  Confucianists.  Dr.  Richard’s  two  books, 
“Guide  to  Buddhahood”  and  “The  Awakening  of  the  Faith,” 


* “Evolution  of  the  Japanese,”  pp.  410-413. 

95 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


are  transformed  and  glorified  renderings  of  two  volumes 
which  suggest  beyond  warrant  the  truths  which  New  China 
is  likely  to  find  helpful.  Professor  Suzuki’s  translation  of 
the  latter  volume  is  truer  to  the  text,  and  in  addition  afifords 
a Japanese  view  of  its  value. 

These  three  modifying  religions,  especially  the  two  latter, 
are  more  likely  to  be  prominent  in  discussions  with  Confu- 
cianists  of  the  future  than  has  been  the  case  in  the  past, 
when  they  have  been  looked  down  upon  by  Confucian 
scholars. 

III.  Confucianism’s  Contacts  with  Christianity 

1.  The  Nestorian  Contact. — Nestorianism  was  the  first 
well-known  Christian  agency  to  affect  China  itself,  though 
previous  to  its  entrance  there  are  slight  traces  of  other  Chris- 
tian influences.  Its  history  is  a matter  of  very  subordinate 
interest;  yet  the  frequent  use  of  rubbings  of  the  Nestorian 
tablet  at  Hsi-an  Fu  in  Christian  chapels  suggests  its  value 
in  discussing  Christianity,  particularly  with  literati  of  the 
old  school.  The  effect  of  Nestorianism  upon  Confucian  be- 
liefs was  practically  nil.  On  the  other  hand,  its  presentation 
of  Christianity  was  modified  to  meet  Confucian  views. 
Though  the  personality  of  God  and  His  Triune  Being,  the 
incarnation  and  humanity  of  Jesus  and  his  fulfilment  of  the 
old  Law,  his  establishment  of  new  legislation,  his  “setting 
in  motion  of  the  vessel  of  mercy  for  the  deliverance  of  the 
quick  and  the  dead,”  are  all  proclaimed  on  the  tablet,  there 
is  not  a word  said  about  the  miracles  of  Jesus,  or  anything 
especially  bearing  upon  His  crucifixion,  death,  burial  and 
resurrection.  Quotations  from  the  Confucian  Classics  ap- 
pear upon  the  monument  also.  That  the  tablet  contains  a 
mediating  inscription  is  clear  from  the  Nestorian  use  of 
chiao,  fa  and  tao  to  express  the  idea  of  “religion”  in  the 
words  respectively  of  Confucianism,  Buddhism  and  Taoism. 

Q6 


Confucianism’s  contacts  with  Christianity 


It  also  employs  many  Buddhist  and  Taoist  expressions,  while 
under  the  cross  and  above  the  titular  heading  are  carved  the 


I 


I 

I 


I 


“flying  cloud”  symbol  of  the  Taoists  and  Moslems  and  the 
lotus  of  Buddhism.  The  Nestorian  influence  upon  Japanese 
Buddhism  has  not  yet  been  fully  evaluated,  though  Professors 
Lloyd,  Saeki  and  others  regard  it  as  quite  marked.  A replica 
of  the  monument  was  dedicated  in  1911  at  Koya  San,  with 
the  full  Buddhist  ceremonial,  in  the  wonderful  cemetery  of 
Okuno-in,  where  tens  of  thousands  of  Japanese,  from  em- 
perors to  peasants,  have  been  laid  to  rest  in  expectation  of 
the  coming  of  the  expected  Buddhist  Messiah.  Thither  come 
annually  half  a million  pilgrims  of  all  ages  and  classes,  who 
climb  the  holy  mountain  to  visit  the  resting-place  of  Kobo 
Daishi,  Japan’s  ninth  century  “Great  Teacher  of  the  Law”; 
“so  that  the  stone  is  sure  to  speak  aloud  and  strongly  in  God’s 
due  time,”  as  Professor  Saeki  writes.^ 

2.  The  Roman  Catholic  Contact.  — Despite  the  Protes- 
tant’s reluctance  to  agree  with  Romanism’s  methods  in 
China,  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  a knowledge  of  the  Jesuit’s 
attitude  toward  Confucianism  would  be  helpful  to  mission- 
aries giving  themselves  largely  to  work  for  Confucianists. 
This  is  true  of  the  early  work  of  the  Order  both  in  China 
and  Japan.  Their  barren  and  divisive  conflicts  with  Domin- 
icans and  Franciscans  upon  the  “Term  Question”  need  not 
be  gone  into,  though  the  decision  of  the  Emperor  K‘ang  Hsi 
in  opposition  to  the  Pope’s  position  and  that  of  the  opposers 
of  Jesuit  views  may  well  be  examined.  Concerning  the 
Pope’s  decision,  the  distinguished  Sinologue,  Professor  Cor- 
dier,  a loyal  son  of  the  Church,  writes : 


“The  whole  knotty  question  was  settled  (11  July,  1742)  by  a Bull 
of  Benedict  XIV.,  ‘Ex  quo  singulari,’  condemning  the  Chinese  cere- 
monies and  choosing  the  expression  T’ien-chu,  which  was  to  be  used 
exclusively  to  designate  God.  . . . Rome  having  spoken,  no  more  can 
1 be  said  here  on  the  question,  but  it  may  be  noted  that  the  Bull  was  a 


* Missionaries  to  Japan  will  find  it  well  worth  while  to  study  the  references  under  this 
paragraph  in  Appendix  D. 


97 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


terrible  blow  to  the  missions  in  China;  there  are  fewer  [Roman 
Catholic]  Christians  than  formerly  and  none  among  the  higher  classes, 
as  were  the  princes  and  mandarins  of  the  Court  of  K’ang-hi.”  ^ 

3.  The  Protestant  Contact. — In  the  early  history  of  Prot- 
estant missions  in  the  Far  East,  especially  in  China,  there 
was  practically  no  possibility  of  contact  with  Confucian 
literati,  though  a few  great  leaders  were  reached  by  Dr. 
Verbeck  in  Japan.  There  were,  however,  sporadic  cases  of 
missionaries  who  felt  strongly  the  call  to  undertake  so  diffi- 
cult a task.  It  would  be  instructive  to  learn  what  their  posi- 
tion and  methods  of  approach  were,  though  very  little  can 
be  found  in  print  upon  this  topic.  Doctors  Martin,  Reid, 
Allen  and  Richard  in  China  have  been  the  most  conspicuous 
advocates  of  such  work.  Dr.  Richard’s  “Conversions  by  the 
Million  in  China”  contains  a fairly  good  account  of  his  own 
theories  and  achievements  (see  Chapter  V especially),  but 
far  better  is  his  later  autobiography,  “Forty-five  Years  in 
China.”  Dr.  Legge’s  biography  describes  the  activities  of 
an  earlier  worker  of  an  entirely  different  type.  A movement 
to  reach  the  literati,  planned  by  the  China  Young  Men’s 
Christian  Association  before  the  abolition  of  the  old  exam- 
ination system  and  continued  in  a modified  form  since  then, 
has  in  it  much  that  is  worthy  of  imitation.  Secretary  C.  H. 
Robertson  left  a professorship  at  home  in  1902  to  devote 
himself  to  extension  lecturing  on  scientific  themes  with  the 
use  of  proper  apparatus.  Seven  years  were  spent  in  getting 
thoroughly  ready  for  effective  campaigning  among  the  edu- 
cated classes  of  China.  The  Government  approves  and  aids 
this  work,  which  opens  the  way  for  lectures  on  health,  educa- 
tion, efficiency,  social  science,  and  on  religion,  especially  in 
its  significance  in  the  life  of  the  individual,  the  community 
and  the  nation.  Within  the  last  few  years  the  Christian 
forces  in  China  have  been  devoting  much  more  effort  to  the 
educated  classes.  The  experience  thus  gained  is  well  sum- 


* “Catholic  Encyclopediaj”  Vol.  Ill,  p.  672. 

98 


THE  missionary’s  ATTITUDE 


marized  in  the  annual  reports  of  the  China  Continuation 
Committee.  Such  approaches  seem  preferable  to  the  meth- 
ods adopted  by  Dr.  Gilbert  Reid  in  his  International  In- 
stitute. 

IV.  The  Missionary’s  Attitude  Toward  Confucianism 

In  view  of  the  emphasis  placed  by  Confucianism  upon 
forms  and  methods  of  approach,  the  attitude  of  a missionary 
is  a matter  of  prime  importance. 

1.  It  Should  Be  Sympathetic. — Any  approach  which  as- 
sumes that  Christianity  is  the  only  repository  of  religious 
truth,  and  that  Confucianism  is  a system  of  doubtful  value, 
beyond  its  ethical  strength,  is  almost  certain  to  fail.  In- 
stead, the  missionary  should  be  wisely  sympathetic  with  the 
Confucian  point  of  view.  This  is  made  possible  partly 
through  his  intellectual  grasp  of  the  system,  as  found  in  the 
canonical  books,  and  more  especially  through  gaining  the 
Oriental  point  of  view  of  Confucianism.  This  cannot  readily 
be  learned  from  books;  but  the  missionary  freely  speaking 
the  language  of  those  countries  and  showing  himself  to  be  a 
genuine  friend  will  soon  find  himself  allowed  to  enter  the 
inmost  chambers  of  the  Confucian  soul. 

2.  It  Should  be  Apperceptive. — From  a pedagogical  point 
of  view  this  is  self-evident,  but  it  is  peculiarly  important 
among  Orientals.  The  Confucianist  has  so  much  of  truth 
in  his  system  of  ethics  and  religion  that  he  would  resent  the 
rejection  of  those  elements  and  the  bald  attempt  to  erect  a 
Christian  superstructure  solely  upon  the  basis  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  and  an  unknown  Christ.  As  we  shall 
notice,  there  are  many  cooperative  elements  common  to  the 
two  faiths  which  may  be  used  in  the  first  approach. 

3.  It  Should  Be  Cordially  Appreciative. — To  draw  out 
most  effectively  the  real  thought  of  the  Confucianist,  a 
genuine  appreciation  of  the  strength  of  his  system  and  an 
admiration  for  the  character  and  purpose  of  Confucius, 


99 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


Mencius,  Chu  Hsi  and  Wang  Yang-ming  will  help  to  disarm 
hostility  and  will  make  the  Confucianist  more  open  to  the 
presentation  of  Christianity  and  Christ.  Care  should  be 
taken,  however,  to  avoid  giving  the  impression  that  Confu- 
cianism and  Christianity  are  practically  the  same.  This  dis- 
similarity is  a difficult  thing  to  impress  on  the  Confucian 
mind. 

4.  It  Should  Be  Scholarly. — The  Oriental  scholar  having 
been  brought  to  this  point  will  perhaps  desire  to  examine 
critically  the  fundamental  positions  of  Christianity  and  Con- 
fucianism. In  such  a discussion  the  missionary’s  position 
may  be  firmly  taken,  yet  it  should  be  held  without  any  harsh- 
ness and  in  manifest  love. 

5.  It  Should  Be  Brotherly  and  Courteous. — While  in 
strictness  the  missionary  can  only  stand  in  the  fifth  of  the 
Confucian  relations  to  his  Oriental  friend,  he  may  never- 
theless assume  a brotherly  attitude  as  well  as  that  of  a friend. 
If  this  is  evidently  ill-advised,  he  must  be,  at  the  very  least 
and  in  any  case,  a thorough  gentleman.  Any  contact  between 
the  missionary  and  the  Confucianist  should  make  this  per- 
fectly evident.  Unfortunately  Occidental  disregard  for 
Oriental  canons  of  politeness  and  good  breeding  often  alien- 
ates those  whom  the  missionary  would  benefit. 

V.  Comparisons  and  Contrasts  between  Christianity 
AND  Confucianism 

The  missionary  just  entering  upon  his  work  will  find  this 
discussion  helpful,  even  though  it  is  elementary,  since  it 
grows  out  of  the  experience  and  wisdom  of  men  who  have 
invested  their  lives  in  carrying  the  message  of  the  gospel 
to  the  people  of  the  Far  East.  It  will  be  noted  that  the 
educated  classes  are  mainly  in  mind,  rather  than  the  masses 
of  Confucian  lands.  For  the  common  people  of  the  Far 
East,  no  other  form  of  presentation  is  called  for  than  one 
would  employ  in  other  parts  of  the  mission  field.  But  even 

100 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  CONFUCIANISM 


among  the  common  people  in  China,  where  Confucian  ideas 
underlie  the  whole  system  of  society  and  government,  it  will 
be  of  great  value  to  the  missionary  to  know  well  all  the  facts 
to  which  attention  is  called.  The  young  missionary  should 
again  be  reminded  that  while  the  differences  and  agreements, 
so  frequently  mentioned  in  this  section,  may  suggest  the 
controversial  attitude  and  spirit,  these  are  rarely  called  for 
and  should  be  avoided  as  far  as  possible. 

1.  Emphasis  on  Points  Common  to  Christianity  and  Con- 
fucianism.— To  lay  stress  upon  matters  on  which  there  is 
agreement  between  Christianity  and  Confucianism  is  a wise 
method  of  approach ; it  is  always  well  to  avoid  at  the  outset 
the  natural  antagonism  that  arises  from  the  presentation  of 
divergent  views. 

(a)  Belief  in  a Supreme  Deity. — The  opening  pages  of 
the  “Shu  Ching”  reveal  an  object  of  worship  and  reverence 
which  bears  several  marks  of  the  Old  Testament  concep- 
tions of  deity.  Burnt  offerings  were  sacrificed,  and  a certain 
guidance  of  the  life  was  desired.  Many  passages  in  the 
Chinese  Classics  can  be  used  to  show  that  Christianity  has 
something  in  common  with  Confucianists  in  this  belief.  Yet 
here,  as  in  some  of  the  following  subdivisions,  differences 
between  our  views  of  God  and  of  other  articles  of  faith  and 
those  of  Confucianists  should  be  pointed  out.  Thus  the 
Classics  reveal  the  presence  of  other  objects  of  worship  be- 
sides Heaven  and  the  Supreme  Ruler,  which  may  find  a 
parallel  in  certain  statements  of  the  Old  Testament,  but 
which  are  opposed  to  Christian  teaching. 

(b)  The  Recognition  of  a Divinely  Appointed  Moral  Law. 
The  items  included  under  this  head  are  scattered  through  the 
Confucian  books  and  need  to  be  gathered  into  a logical  series 
in  order  to  be  effective,  and  this  should  be  kept  in  mind  in 
reading  the  Classics  or  translations  of  them.^ 

(c)  Doctrine  of  the  Nature  of  Man. — Here  is  a problem 

- Walshe’s  “Confucius  and  Confucianism,”  pp.  8,  9,  has  a suggestion  of  what  is  desirable. 

101 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


common  to  Christianity  and  to  Confucianism,  but  with  a 
divergent  solution.  As  stated  in  an  earlier  paragraph,  this 
problem  was  debated  in  Mencius’  day.  A junior  missionary 
should  not  fail  to  compare  the  differing  Confucian  state- 
ments with  those  of  Christian  theologians.  Mencius  and 
Calvin  seem  rather  far  apart,  but  opinions  vary  in  the  Far 
East  quite  as  they  do  in  Occidental  lands. 

(d)  Belief  in  Existence  After  Death. — The  belief  in  a 
life  beyond  the  grave  is  written  over  all  the  Classical  books, 
especially  the  “Li  Chi”  and  Part  IV  of  the  “Shih  Ching.” 
Compare  this  vague  belief — which  is  not  of  an  endless  ex- 
istence— with  our  own  views  as  to  immortality. 

(e)  Exaltation  of  the  Founders  of  the  Two  Religions. — 
Confucius  is  central  in  the  system,  as  the  name  Confucianism 
suggests;  so  also  Christ  is  the  heart  of  Christianity.  “In 
the  inner  circle  of  ardent  Confucianists,  known  as  the  K'ung 
Chiao,  Confucius  in  these  last  days  is  both  idealized  and 
worshiped  in  a manner  which  places  a Gibraltar  in  the  way 
of  the  worship  of  the  Son  of  God,  or  even  of  Him  whom  the 
ancient  Chinese  adored  as  the  Supreme  Being.”  The  two 
faiths  are  alike  in  making  the  life  of  their  founders  promi- 
nent in  thought  and  experience.  Nevertheless  great  harm 
will  be  done  to  the  missionary  cause,  if  Jesus  is  made  to 
appear  merely  as  the  Christian  parallel  to  Confucius.  The 
absolute  supremacy  of  Christ  in  the  realm  of  religion  should 
be  courteously  insisted  upon,  though  not  through  a dispar- 
agement of  the  Chinese  Sage.  If  the  fundamental  difference 
in  relation  of  the  two  is  kept  in  view,  Confucius  can  be 
thoroughly  appreciated  without  danger. 

(f)  The  Idea  of  Sacrifice. — This  subordinate  feature  of 
the  Confucian  system  is  chiefly  useful  for  enforcing  the 
reasonableness  of  sacrifice,  especially  as  held  by  many  theo- 
logians in  their  discussion  of  the  Atonement.  It  likewise 
has  an  ethical  value  in  the  theory  of  right  and  helpful  living, 
and  this  should  be  strongly  emphasized. 


102 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  CONFUCIANISM 


(g)  The  Use  of  Prayer. — Christian  and  Confucian  prayer 
are  widely  different,  a fact  that  one’s  Confucian  friend  may 
be  interested  to  have  explained,  to  his  possible  profit.  But 
this  calls  for  a study  of  prayer  in  the  Classics  and  especially 
in  Imperial  Confucianism.  One  should  bear  in  mind  items 
which  partly  account  for  the  scholar’s  low  estimate  of  prayer, 
especially  certain  sayings  of  Confucius  with  regard  to  it,  as 
the  “Analects,”  Book  III,  xiii.  Book  VII,  xxxiv,  with  Chu 
Hsi’s  comment  on  the  latter  passage  given  by  Legge.  Illu- 
minating, too,  are  the  commentator’s  advice  given  in  his 
“Little  Learning,”  “Do  not  bother  the  gods  with  too  many 
^ prayers,”  and  the  edict  of  Emperor  Hung  Wu  (1328-1399), 
forbidding  the  common  people  to  pray  to  Heaven  and  Earth, 
since  that  was  a prerogative  reserved  for  himself,  aside  from 
! the  confusion  and  intolerable  annoyance  occasioned  Heaven, 
“should  the  whole  population  be  presenting  their  different 
prayers  in  one  day.”  Dr.  Chalmers  adds  that  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  other  great  men  of  China  to  forbid  prayer  among 
the  common  people. 

It  is  further  desirable  to  emphasize  the  value  of  Christian 
' prayer  as  a personal,  daily  practice.  A China  correspond- 
j ent  writes:  “A  most  effective  point  of  contact  can  be  made 
I here.  As  soon  as  it  is  made,  the  Confucianist  will  feel  that 

I his  use  of  prayer,  if  it  can  be  made  at  all,  is  cold  and  power- 

less compared  with  the  Christian’s  approach  in  loving  faith 
to  a living,  present  Being  who  ‘answers  by  fire.’  The  dyna- 
mic of  prayer  should  be  brought  to  bear  more  frequently 
upon  the  Confucianist.” 

2.  Additional  and  Distinctive  Teachings  of  Christianity. 
— This  is  a natural  sequence  of  preceding  discussions;  in- 
deed, the  variations  already  suggested  in  beliefs  held  in 

common  would  partly  fall  under  this  head. 

(a)  Atonement  and  Salvation. — Only  the  most  tenuous 
suggestions  of  atonement  and  a felt  need  of  salvation  are  to 
be  found  in  Confucianism,  whereas  these  ideas  are  very 

103 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


prominent  in  Christianity.  A feeble  and  often  perverted 
consciousness  of  sin  is  largely  accountable  for  this.  It  there- 
fore follows  that  a Confucianist  is  more  likely  to  be  at- 
tracted to  ethical  theories  than  by  those  more  deeply  spir- 
itual. 

(b)  The  Resurrection. — The  doctrine  of  the  resurrection 
is  as  likely  to  prove  distasteful  to  Confucianists  of  the  new 
regime  as  it  was  to  St.  Paul’s  auditors  on  Mars  Hill.  While 
it  should  be  frankly  discussed  when  a hold  is  gotten  upon 
one’s  audience  or  one’s  callers,  it  hardly  seems  wise  to  pre- 
sent it  at  the  outset.  The  mistake  of  the  Nestor ians,  who 
seem  to  have  avoided  topics  distasteful  to  Chinese  scholars, 
teaches  the  necessity  of  presenting  a whole  Christianity  with 
no  attempt  to  avoid  subjects  so  central  as  this  in  our  faith 
and  yet  so  opposed  to  Far-Eastern  ideas.  It  should  not  be 
supposed,  however,  that  Chinese  literature  has  no  records 
regarding  bodily  resurrection.  Abundant  proof  of  such  be- 
liefs is  found  in  Chapter  VIII  of  De  Groot’s  “The  Religious 
System  of  China,”  Vol.  IV.  As  that  authority  asserts: 

“Tales  innumerable  of  the  resurrection  of  men  and  women  who  had 
been  dead  for  days,  nay,  who  had  rested  in  their  graves  for  years,  are 
current  among  the  people.  No  doubt  the  majority  thereof  are  trace- 
able to  cases  recorded  in  the  books.  In  the  ‘T‘ai  P'ing  kwang  ki’  alone 
I find  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  cases,  gleaned  from  sundry  other 
works,  and  this  thesaurus  goes  only  up  to  the  tenth  century  of  our  era. 
With  these  facts  before  them,  evangelists  in  China  must  hardly  feel 
astonished  at  finding  the  Lord’s  resurrection,  which  they  preach,  mak- 
ing little  impression  on  the  reading  class,  in  the  eyes  of  whom  that 
miracle  must  appear  a very  commonplace  event.”  ^ 

(c)  Eschatological  Beliefs  of  Christianity. — Other  items 
than  those  mentioned  in  the  preceding  paragraph  and  on 
page  102  are  here  referred  to.  While  popular  beliefs  as 
to  the  status  of  the  departed  after  death  are  not  derived 
from  Confucian  texts  so  much  as  from  Buddhist  teachings, 

' Work  mentioned,  pp.  123,  124. 

104 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  CONFUCIANISM 


they  are  nevertheless  prevalent  even  among  scholars.  Specu- 
lative minds  will  often  desire  to  know  what  the  Christian 
conceptions  of  the  future  state  are,  and  Confucian  readers  o I 
the  New  Testament  will  naturally  wish  to  have  references  to 
the  Parousia  explained.  The  everlasting  felicity  of  the  dead 
in  Christ  forms  an  attractive  feature  of  Christian  teaching 
and  may  well  be  emphasized,  though  without  going  into  de- 
tails as  to  its  place  and  character.  Possibly  the  most  objec- 
tionable feature  of  Christianity  to  most  Confucianists  is  its 
attitude  toward  ancestor  worship. 

(d)  Worship  and  the  Sacraments. — Worship  is  so  com- 
mon a word  in  China  and  the  act  so  common  among  the  peo- 
ple in  its  simplest  elements  and  yet  so  exclusive  in  its  highest 
forms  that  the  missionary  should  be  prepared  to  explain 
very  fully  the  Christian  forms  and  their  significance  and 
personal  helpfulness.  The  Sacraments  especially  are  likely 
to  be  misunderstood  and  consequently  to  be  criticised  se- 
verely. It  is  perhaps  equally  desirable  to  emphasize  thir 
matter  in  Japan  and  Korea. 

(e)  Doctrine  of  the  Church. — The  term  “Church”  has  so 
different  a connotation  among  Christians,  even  of  the  Prot- 
estant order,  that  care  should  be  used  to  do  no  violence  to 
differing  views  of  the  Church.  Yet  it  has  so  much  to  give 
to  the  Far  East  that  it  may  rightly  be  dwelt  upon.  In  all 
three  countries  under  consideration  unity  and  federation 
have  been  so  fully  advocated  and  explained  that  denomina- 
tionalism  should  never  be  made  to  appear  as  equivalent  to  the 
broader  conception  of  the  Church  Universal,  but  should  take 
its  rightful  though  subordinate  place. 

The  spiritual  nature  of  the  Church  should  be  emphasized 
in  contrast  with  a politico-religious  organization.  The  inter- 
ference of  certain  missionaries  in  China  in  affairs  of  gov- 
ernment is  well  known  to  scholars  and  is  a great  stumbling- 
block  to  them.  It  has  kept  many  an  educated  man  from 
identifying  himself  with  any  form  of  Christianity.  The 

105 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


Church’s  ethical  and  practical  values  as  suggested  by  Pro- 
fessor Royce’s  phrase,  “The  Beloved  Community,”  even  if 
one  disagrees  with  his  amplification  of  it,  should  be  an  at- 
tractive one  to  Confucianists.  It  also  has  the  merit  of  being 
Pauline,  so  far  as  his  accounts  of  its  content  and  functions 
go.  The  junior  missionary  will  find  helpful  Evan  Morgan’s 
note  on  “Chiao,”  or  “Church,”  ^ 

(f)  Christianity’s  Enabling  Power.  — Earnest  - minded 
Confucianists  have  not  hesitated  to  grant  that  a distinctive 
feature  of  Christianity  is  its  claim  to  impart  to  the  believer 
a dynamic  which  is  due  to  the  Holy  Spirit’s  indwelling  and 
which  is  itself  the  enabling  factor  lacking  in  Confucian 
teachings  according  to  their  own  confession.  It  follows  that 
the  idea  of  the  article  in  our  creeds,  “I  believe  in  the  Holy 
Ghost,”  should  not  only  be  well  understood,  but,  what  is 
vastly  more  important,  it  should  be  illustrated  by  the  evi- 
dence of  a Spirit-filled  life. 

3,  Aspects  of  Christianity  Objectionable  to  Confucian- 
ists.— It  is  probably  better  for  the  missionary  to  discuss  the 
aspects  of  Christianity  to  which  Confucianists  make  objec- 
tion before  attempting  to  point  out  Confucianism’s  weak- 
nesses and  errors.  Such  aspects  should  be  frankly  treated, 
especially  in  their  effect  upon  actual  living,  where  the  pro- 
fessing Christian  is  not  true  to  his  Christian  teachings. 

(a)  Foreign  Origin  and  Advocacy. — In  Japan  particu- 
larly the  fact  that  Christianity  came  from  the  West  was  a 
serious  detriment  a quarter  of  a century  ago,  and  is  to-day  in 
certain  sections  of  China.  It  is  always  an  objection  to  men 
among  whom  the  nascent  national  spirit  is  strong.  Happily 
Jesus  was  born  in  Asia  and  His  teachings  have  an  Oriental 
setting  and  substance  which  can  be  claimed  for  Christianity. 
An  obvious  offset  to  the  charge  of  its  alien  propagation  is  to 
become  as  nearly  Oriental  in  one’s  thoughts  and  habits  as  is 
wise,  and  to  exalt  the  Oriental  members  of  the  missionary 

' Morgan,  "New  Terras  and  Expressions,”  p.  166. 


106 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  CONFUCIANISM 


force.  This  is  particularly  desirable  in  Japan,  and  among 
critical  Chinese  it  is  almost  equally  so. 

(b)  Exclusive  Character  and  Demands. — Almost  every 
Confucianist  will  inwardly  resent  Christianity’s  exclusive- 
ness, if,  indeed,  he  does  not  openly  reject  it.  The  teach- 
ing and  example  of  their  honored  Sage  are  so  moral  and 
so  acceptable  to  nations  of  the  Far  East  that  such  a posi- 
tion is  wholly  understandable.  Yet  a true  apologetic  can  be 
found  to  make  this  exclusiveness  appear  reasonable.  Dog- 
matic assertions  of  the  supremacy  of  our  faith  will  not  carry 
conviction  unless  buttressed  by  unanswerable  arguments.  It 
will  be  advisable  to  point  out  the  large  element  common  to 
the  Christian  and  Confucian  systems  which  make  separate 
yet  almost  identical  claims  upon  both  religionists,  and  to 
adopt  an  expository,  rather  than  a polemic  attitude.  The 
exposition  of  Christianity  in  its  fulness  is  its  best  defense. 

(c)  Social  Ideals. — Such  distinguished  Orientals  as  the 
two  Chinese  Ministers  to  the  United  States,  Pung  Kwang-yii 
and  Wu  Ting-fang,  have  voiced  their  opinions  as  to  the 
impracticability  of  urging  some  of  the  teachings  of  Jesus. 
“It  is  important  to  make  clear  to  the  Confucian  mind  the 
difference  between  the  teachings  of  Jesus  as  to  personal 
injuries  and  the  maintenance  of  public  law  with  its  corol- 
lary of  retributive  justice.  It  is  well,  too,  to  point  out  the 
fact  that  never  yet  has  any  nation  accepted  the  doctrines 
of  Christ  and  given  them  a fair  trial  in  the  world  of  politics 
and  administration.  Hence  no  argument  can  be  legitimately 
urged  against  them  as  being  Impracticable  in  the  affairs  of 
men.  As  a matter  of  fact,  the  acceptance  of  them  by  any 
individual  or  community  secures  the  realization  of  the  high- 
est ideals  of  morals  and  social  life.”  It  is  significant  that 
the  Far  East,  while  still  clinging  to  Confucianism,  is  moving 
toward  Jesus’  social  ideals  regarding  the  dignity  and  worth 
of  womanhood  and  the  need  of  personal  purity  and  of  a 
single  standard  of  continence.  His  doctrine  of  human 

107 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


brotherhood  and  of  the  solidarity  of  the  race  in  things  spirit- 
ual carry  implications  which  would  be  objected  to  by  many 
Chinese  and  even  Japanese  Confucianists,  though  in  China 
there  has  been  less  objection  since  the  founding  of  the  Re- 
public. 

(d)  Impracticable  Moral  Ideals. — Even  more  open  to  ob- 
jection on  the  ground  of  an  impracticable  idealism  are  some 
of  Christianity’s  moral  and  religious  precepts  and  principles. 
Universal  love  is  as  liable  to  be  called  foolishness  to-day  as 
when  Mencius  argued  the  point  with  Mo  Ti;  while  our  doc- 
trine of  returning  good  for  evil  would  be  as  stoutly  opposed 
by  many  Far-Eastern  scholars  as  when  Confucius  discussed 
the  question  with  Lao  Tzu — if  that  tradition  is  historically 
upheld.  Jesus’  emphasis  on  perfection  is  not  so  novel  to 
Confucianists  as  it  is  to  votaries  of  other  ethnic  faiths,  since 
it  is  the  essence  of  much  of  the  teaching  as  to  the  Superior 
Man;  yet  as  a goal  for  actual  realization  on  the  part  of  the 
believer,  it  would  be  deemed  by  them  a hopeless  aim.  It  is 
obvious  that  certain  doctrines  of  perfectionism  might  easily 
be  adduced  only  to  be  discounted  by  Confucianists,  with  the 
further  conviction  on  their  part  that  they  are  merely  fanciful 
and  poetical  views  of  life. 

(e)  Doctrine  of  Universal  Sinfulness. — From  the  first 
day  that  a Chinese  boy  of  the  regime  just  at  a close  went 
to  school  and  memorized  the  opening  lines  of  the  “Trimetri- 
cal  Classic,”  “Men  at  their  birth  are  by  nature  good,”  there 
was  instilled  into  him  a conception  not  easily  harmonized  with 
the  Christian  doctrine  of  the  pervasiveness  of  sin.  As  the  for- 
mer is  found  in  the  Classics,  that  view  is  held  by  the  peoples 
of  the  Far  East,  though  not  learned  so  early,  perhaps.  The 
Christian  idea  of  sin  as  transgression  against  God  and  divine 
law,  rather  than  as  crime  or  fault  between  men,  is  almost 
wholly  lacking  among  the  older  Confucianists.  The  early 
views  of  heretical  writers  like  the  philosophers  Hsiin  K'uang 
and  Han  Wen-kung,  supply  an  Oriental  starting-point  for 

108 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  CONFUCIANISM 


a discussion  of  the  doctrine,  and  they  are  also  nearer  the 
position  held  by  Christians  than  are  Confucian  views/ 

(f)  Doctrine  of  the  Supernatural.  — Like  Continental 
Europe  and  the  Occident  everywhere  to  a less  degree,  Con- 
fucian countries  will  not  readily  accept  the  supernatural 
powers  of  Jesus,  if  they  have  had  any  acquaintance  with 
Western  anti-Christian  literature  such  as  the  Rationalist 
Press  Association  disseminates.  They  hold  Confucius’  own 
views  as  to  the  supernatural,  and  the  gospel  miracles  are  in 
consequence  a serious  stumbling-block  in  Christianity’s  way. 
So  fundamental  is  this  difficulty  that  missionary  candidates 
should  give  special  attention  to  the  study  of  the  topic.  Natu- 
rally its  storm-center  lies  in  connection  with  the  character 
and  miracles  of  Jesus  and  with  the  credibility  of  the  Gos- 
pels.^ It  should  be  added  that  among  the  lower  classes  in 
China,  superstitious  and  marvelous  tales  are  so  commonly 
believed  that  the  Bible  miracles  do  not  present  difficulties. 

(g)  The  Divinity  and  Deity  of  Christ. — It  is  as  difficult 
for  the  worker  among  highly  educated  Confucianists,  espe- 
cially those  of  Japan,  as  for  missionaries  to  Moslems,  to 
discuss  with  entire  satisfaction  the  nature  of  Christ.  It  is 
essential  that  the  young  missionary  should  be  able  to  distin- 
guish clearly  between  His  divinity  and  His  deity  and  to  main- 
tain the  distinction  in  any  controversy  that  may  arise.  The 
obvious  distinction  between  the  two  terms  and  the  varying 
senses  of  the  word  deity  as  here  used  should  be  clearly  un- 
derstood and  insisted  upon  in  any  controversy  that  may  arise. 

4.  Confucian  Views  Opposed  to  Christian  Teachings. — 
Though  reserved  for  the  last  place  in  the  studies  here  sug- 
gested, the  items  mentioned  below  are  not  of  inferior  im- 
portance. They  would  naturally  be  the  latest  to  be  taken 
up  for  discussion  with  Confucian  callers  or  inquirers,  if  the 

* See  Prolegomena  of  Legge’s  “Chinese  Classics,”  with  the  text,  Vol.  II,  pp.  79-91,  or 
pp.  77-90  of  his  “Life  and  Works  of  Mencius.” 

* Books  on  the  supernatural  which  help  to  meet  the  difficulties  of  alert  students  at  home 
will  he  equally  heloful  among  thoughtful  Chinese  or  Japanese.  Wendland’s  “Miracles  and 
Christianity,”  and  Illingworth’s  “The  Gospel  Miracles”  have  been  recommended  for  the  pur- 
pose. Fairbairn’s  “Philosophy  of  the  Christian  Religion”  is  a standard  work  in  most  respects. 


109 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 

theory  of  allowing  a constructive  work  to  precede  a destruc- 
tive treatment  is  granted. 

(a)  Views  of  Sin. — Twice  already  the  important  subject 
of  sin  has  been  mentioned  as  calling  for  study.  Here  it  is 
introduced  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Confucian  inquirer 
whose  ideas  as  to  sin  should  be  fully  known,  just  as  the 
Christian  view  was  central  in  3 (e)  above.  Here  Mencius’s 
side  of  the  controversy  with  the  philosophers  named  in  that 
section  may  be  the  starting-point  of  study.  The  diiferent 
terms  used  to  cover  the  varied  aspects  of  sin  as  viewed  by 
Far-Eastern  scholars  should  be  studied  carefully,  even  to  the 
possible  significance  of  the  underlying  Chinese  ideograms. 
The  special  dictionaries  of  Legge’s  volumes  and  their  Eng- 
lish indexes  are  useful  also.  Missionaries  in  China  will  find 
much  assistance  in  Dr.  John  Darroch’s  Chinese  tract,  “Tsui 
Tzu  Chieh  I,”  an  etymological  study  of  the  character  for 
“sin,”  showing  what  a wonderful  knowledge  of  sin  was  pos- 
sessed by  the  early  scholars  who  devised  the  ideograph. 

(b)  The  Sanction  of  Polygamy.  — All  family  relation- 
ships and  usages  among  the  Chinese  are  likely  to  be  misun- 
derstood and  even  to  be  publicly  misinterpreted.  The  dis- 
tinctions between  the  one  wife  and  secondary  wives  and 
concubines  of  China  should  be  clearly  learned.  The  under- 
lying Confucian  defense  of  the  system  in  its  need  for  male 
progeny  should  likewise  receive  attention,  in  order  to  insure 
the  sympathetic  treatment  that  the  painful  topic  deserves. 
Since  in  China  the  enlightened  scholars  regard  polygamy 
and  the  social  evil  as  beyond  opium  even  the  greatest  curse 
of  the  Republic,  Confucianist  and  Christian  can  stand  to- 
gether in  this  matter.^ 

(c)  The  Exaggeration  of  Filial  Piety. — This  interesting 
phase  of  family  life  is  particularly  emphasized  in  Chinese 
theory,  but  it  is  also  prominent  among  all  Confucianists. 
Christianity  has  no  fault  to  find  with  a subordinated  filial 


‘ See  Proceedings  of  China  Continuation  Committee,  Fifth  Meeting,  1917,  pp.  36-38. 

no 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  CONFUCIANISM 


regard  and  practice;  a caveat  is  entered  only  against  its  un- 
due exaggeration.  It  is  desirable  to  point  out  that  in  both 
the  Old  Testament  and  the  New  emphasis  is  placed  on  filial 
reverence  and  that  our  laws,  founded  on  Qiristian  ethics, 
interfere  in  cases  of  neglect.  The  diverging  views  should  be 
ascertained  from  devoted  Confucian  converts  and  from 
works  on  Christian  ethics,  if  both  sides  of  the  question  are 
to  be  understood.  So  delicate  is  this  matter  that  unusual 
care  should  be  exercised  in  its  treatment.  Junior  mission- 
aries desiring  to  investigate  it  fully  will  find  in  Vols.  IX  to 
XI  of  fhe  “Chinese  Recorder,”  Dr.  Faber’s  “Critique  of  the 
Chinese  Notions  and  Practice  of  Filial  Piety,”  a series  of 
nine  articles  with  extended  quotations  in  Chinese. 

(d)  Undue  Regard  for  Deceased  Ancestors. — The  wor- 
ship of  ancestors  constitutes  the  climax  and,  likewise,  the 
most  unworthy  aspect  of  the  filial  piety  just  discussed. 
The  Jesuit  vs.  Dominican  and  Franciscan  controversy  as  to 
whether  it  was  worship  or  mere  reverence,  and  hence  pos- 
sible for  a Christian,  may  be  profitably  studied,  as  well  as 
the  heated  discussion  of  ancestor  worship  before  Protestant 
bodies,  both  of  which  sources  will  convince  the  junior  mis- 
sionary of  its  seriousness  as  affecting  harmony  among  mis- 
sionaries and  also  the  integrity  of  the  Christian  life  of  con- 
verts from  Confucianism.  It  involves  a careful  study  of  the 
significance  of  the  ancestral  tablet  and  its  vivification,  and 
many  connected  subsequent  ceremonies  with  their  signifi- 
cance. The  Confucian  point  of  view  is  even  more  important 
to  understand  than  is  that  of  the  missionary.  As  caste  is 
the  crucial  problem  which  confronts  Christianity’s  represent- 
atives in  India,  so  is  ancestor  worships  in  the  Far  East. 

A Peking  missionary  who  has  worked  much  with  govern- 
ment students  writes : 

“Ancestor  worship  merits  more  careful  attention  than  missionaries 
are  now  giving  it.  The  final  word  has  not  yet  been  spoken  regarding 

* See  pp.  39-'>l  of  Proceedings  of  Fifth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  China  Continuation 
Committee,  1917. 


Ill 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


the  attitude  toward  it  of  the  Chinese  Christian  Church.  That  which, 
from  a Confucian  point  of  view,  has  in  it  something  so  fundamental 
and  essential  must  have  a contribution  to  make  to  the  life  of  the 
Church,  while  being  purged  of  all  that  is  debasing  and  idolatrous.  The 
feeling  of  family  solidarity,  so  characteristically  Chinese,  shaped  and 
colored  the  thoughts  of  immortality.  In  the  stated  family  sacrifices, 
according  to  the  ‘Book  of  Odes,’  ‘our  ancestors  descend  in  their  majesty ; 
their  spirits  enjoy  the  offerings  and  their  filial  descendant  obtains  their 
blessing.’  Dr.  Ross  says,  ‘The  departed  who  are  remarkable  for  char- 
acter and  achievement  are  in  heaven  in  the  immediate  presence  of 
Shang  Ti.’  So  the  longing  for  a touch  of  immortality,  however  vague, 
the  longing  for  an  intermediary  between  the  human  and  the  divine,  and 
the  longing  for  fellowship  with  the  loved  ones  who  have  passed  into 
the  unseen  all  reach  out  for  satisfaction  in  the  worship  of  ancestors. 
How  shall  the  good — the  real  dynamic — in  this  be  preserved  ?”  ^ 

(e)  Oracles  and  Superstitions. — The  Confucianist  may 
well  declare  that  superstitious  rites  and  beliefs  are  out- 
side the  pale  of  his  system  and  are  more  properly  chargeable 
to  Shintoism,  Buddhism  and  Taoism.  Such  a reply  is  true, 
and  hence  these  items  should  be  held  in  reserve,  and  when 
used  should  be  most  carefully  presented.  Yet  in  China  at 
least,  the  fhig  shui  doctor  appeals  to  the  “I  Ching,”  or 
“Canon  of  Changes,”  as  his  final  authority;  and  that,  as 
related  to  geomancy  especially,  holds  millions  in  its  baneful 
thrall.  Oracles  are  not  likely  to  be  relied  upon  among  mod- 
ern trained  Conf ucianists ; for  divination  by  stalks  and  tor- 
toise shells  would  be  as  distasteful  a proposition  to  them, 
albeit  taught  by  their  Canon,  as  a use  of  the  sacred  lot  of 
Urim  and  Thummim  would  be  to  the  missionary. 

(f)  The  Sanction  of  Polytheism.  — From  the  Christian 
viewpoint  Confucianism  is  truly  polytheistic.  As  the  Canon 
stands,  gods  many  and  spirits  many  are  there  found.  Prob- 
ably the  majority  of  modern  Confucianists  would,  neverthe- 
less, repudiate  the  doctrine.  Should  any  defend  polytheism, 
it  would  be  extremely  embarrassing  for  the  missionary  to  be 

• A helpful  discussion  and  partial  answer  will  be  found  in  the  Centenary  Conference  re- 
port of  1907  and  other  references  are  given  in  Appendix  D,  and  also  in  pp.  39-41,  Proceedings 
of  China  Continuation  Committee,  Fifth  Meeting,  1917. 


112 


CHRISTIANITY  AND  CONFUCIANISM 


unable  to  give  definite  facts  as  to  its  character  and  reality 
as  evidenced  by  the  Classics.  Data  should  be  sought  within 
the  Confucian  system  itself  and  not  in  beliefs  in  popular 
deities  and  a host  of  spirits  not  even  mentioned  in  the  Canon. 
The  imperial  sacrifices  of  the  winter  solstice  are  a special 
point  deserving  attention  in  view  of  the  late  President  Yuan 
Shih-k‘ai’s  rehabilitation  of  that  worship,  if  it  has  not  already 
been  investigated  above  under  Imperial  Confucianism  and 
its  reestablishment  since  the  Revolution. 

(g)  Chu  Hsi’s  Views  of  God. — It  is  important  that  a mis- 
sionary should  investigate  the  materialistic  views  of  God 
which  are  found  in  the  writings  of  Chu  Hsi.  Here,  as  has 
been  already  suggested,  is  the  philosophical  fountain-head 
of  China’s  materialism,  and  to  a less  degree  that  of  all  the 
Far  East,  except  as  it  has  been  imported  from  the  Occident. 
Its  possible  origin  in  Chu  Hsi’s  early  devotion  to  Buddhism 
of  the  southern  type  should  be  looked  into.  Its  cosmogony 
is  an  important  phase  of  the  question  also.  M‘Clatchie’s 
“Confucian  Cosmogony,”  which  is  a translation  of  Chu  Hsi’s 
discussion  of  the  subject,  is  one  of  the  most  important  refer- 
ences, because  it  contains  the  Chinese  text  and  voluminous 
notes. 

§ 

(h)  Man  Only  Indirectly  Related  to  God. — While  it  is 
well  nigh  true  that  Confucianism  provides  no  way  of  ac- 
cess to  God,  this  is  more  the  fault  of  its  later  imperial  form 
than  of  the  canonical  books.  Back  to  those  we  may  go  to 
find  arguments  to  win  scholars  to  the  noble  Christian  view 
of  personal  approach  to  God  and  filial  dwelling  with  Him. 
“The  priesthood  of  believers”  is  a Christian  doctrine  as  im- 
portant to  understand  and  teach  to  modern  Confucianists 
as  Luther’s  insistence  upon  the  individual  relation  of  a man 
to  God  was  at  the  Reformation.  Jesus  as  the  Great  Medi- 
ator may  be  urged  as  a perfect  fulfilment  of  the  Emperor’s 
mediatorship  at  the  solstitial  sacrifices.  The  doctrine  of 
mediatorship  is  illustrated  in  China  by  business  practices. 


113 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


It  is  also  abundantly  illustrated  by  classical  literature  in  Chi- 
nese, as  the  often  fanciful  yet  suggestive  citations  of  De 
Premare’s  “Vestiges  des  Principaux  Dogmes  Chretiens,” 
173-489,  especially  his  treatment  of  early  legends  of  Chinese 
heroes  and  rulers,  pp.  425-61,  clearly  show. 

5.  The  Antithesis  and  Synthesis. — From  what  has  been 
said,  it  ought  to  be  evident  that  the  missionary  should  en- 
deavor to  adapt  to  Confucianists  his  mode  of  thought  and 
approach,  and  not  that  he  is  in  any  manner  to  belittle  Chris- 
tianity’s message  or  its  incomparable  Author.  One  veteran 
missionary  states  the  case  thus: 

“It  seems  to  me  that  the  real  issue  is  not  between  two  philosophers, 
nor  two  programs  of  life,  nor  two  pieces  of  literature,  but  between  a 
philosophy  and  a supernatural  religion.  The  thought  I have  in  mind 
may  be  illustrated  by  two  or  three  examples  of  its  application.  First, 
in  comparing  the  Bible  with  the  literature  of  Confucianism,  should 
we  not  contend  for  the  unique  spiritual  quality,  the  transcendant  revela- 
tion of  divine  things?  Second,  in  the  comparison  of  the  person  of 
Christ  with  that  of  Confucius,  should  not  more  be  made  of  the  unique 
relationship  that  Christ  sustains  to  His  own  teaching  and  His  disciples? 
Confucius  claims  no  other  relationship  to  men  than  that  of  teacher. 
We  can  hardly  think  of  him  as  saying,  ‘Come  unto  me  all  ye  that  labor 
and  are  heavy  laden,’  ‘I  am  the  way,  the  truth  and  the  life,’  and  ‘Lo,  I 
am  with  you  alway.’  Third,  the  clear  distinction  between  the  teach- 
ing of  Confucius  and  the  teaching  of  our  Lord,  in  that  in  the  one  mere 
duties  are  enjoined,  in  the  other  salvation  is  promised.  One  proclaims 
duties,  and  the  other  holds  out  the  radiant  hope  of  a transformation  of 
character  and  a renewal  and  recovery  of  the  lost.” 

Another  student  of  Confucianism  puts  part  of  the  case 
even  more  strongly : 

“One  thing  I would  plead  for,  that  young  missionaries  be  warned  to 
avoid  seeming  to  make  Christ  and  Confucius  bid  against  each  other  for 
adherents.  I have  heard  so  many  men  speak  as  if  our  Master  were 
one  of  the  multitude  of  teachers  pleading  for  a hearing.  Teach  the 
young  men  to  bring  Christ  to  the  people  of  the  East  as  the  answer  to 
the  problems  of  Confucius  and  the  fulfilment  of  his  dreams  and  the 
One  for  whose  coming  Confucius  was  raised  up  to  prepare.” 


114 


VI.  Transfusing  the  Christian  Message  into  Life 


A clear  exposition  of  Christianity,  even  if  the  Confucianist 
wholly  agrees  to  its  claims  and  supremacy,  is  only  the  begin- 
ning of  the  missionary’s  work  for  such  persons.  The  pro- 
longed task  yet  remains.  In  its  performance  the  following 
suggestions  may  prove  helpful.  They  have  Chinese  Con- 
fucianists  mainly  in  view. 

1.  Special  Bible  Classes. — The  majority  of  educated  Chi- 
nese would  resent  being  placed  in  general  Bible  study  groups 
the  membership  of  which  was  made  up  of  relatively  ignorant 
persons  whose  knowledge  of  Christianity  and  the  Bible  would 
nevertheless  so  far  exceed  their  own  as  to  make  them  appear 
at  a humbling  disadvantage.  A greater  reason  for  providing 
special  instruction  for  such  persons  is  that  their  needs  and 
the  wisest  methods  of  approach  demand  separate  provision 
for  their  teaching.  Naturally  the  leaders  of  these  groups 
should  be  men  of  ability  and  scholarship  and  not  persons 
from  the  rank  and  file  of  the  church  membership.  If  a mis- 
sionary conducts  a group,  he  will  fail  to  attain  his  goal  if 
he  does  not  take  the  matter  seriously.  Extemporaneous 
harangues  and  pious  platitudes  are  not  what  is  desired; 
thoughtful  and  sympathetic  teaching  of  the  Bible  in  its  great 
essentials  as  related  to  life,  rather  than  in  its  unimportant 
archaic  details  in  no  way  affecting  Orientals  to-day,  will 
secure  attention  and  exert  a strong  influence.  Proud  and 
timid  men  of  this  class  would  appreciate  a separate  room 
for  such  instruction,  rather  than  to  be  placed  prominently 
among  the  lowly  members  of  ordinary  Bible  or  Sunday 
schools.  Missionaries  in  Japan  will  not  need  to  be  reminded 
that  individual  work  is  the  only  method  likely  to  succeed 
among  Confucian  scholars  of  that  empire. 

2.  Knowing  Through  Doing. — The  saying  of  Jesus,  ‘Tf 
any  man  willeth  to  do  his  will,  he  shall  know  of  the  teach- 
ing, whether  it  be  of  God,  or  whether  I speak  of  myself,”  is 

115 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


very  important  in  dealing  with  Confucian  inquirers.  Spe- 
cific suggestions  as  to  Christlike  living  in  everyday  life  and 
an  example  of  such  a living-out  of  New  Testament  teachings 
will  aid  more  than  anything  else  in  most  cases  to  a full  real- 
ization of  what  Christianity  and  its  doctrines  really  are. 

3.  Discussions  with  Educated  Men. — Those  attending 
these  Bible  groups  are  in  a mood  for  a further  and  more 
general  discussion  of  the  two  systems,  and  especially  of  the 
broader  bearings  of  Bible  teachings.  It  is  desirable  to  hold 
special  meetings  for  them  and  to  urge  them  to  bring  with 
them  such  friends  as  are  willing  to  hear  full  and  familiar 
explanations  of  Christianity.  Debate  as  to  the  comparative 
value  of  Confucianism  and  Christianity  should  be  avoided, 
though  frank  discussion  and  a statement  of  diverging  views 
are  to  be  encouraged.  The  inquirer  thus  receives  his  first 
lesson  in  Christian  service  and  at  the  same  time  is  partici- 
pating in  a profitable  school  of  training  in  work  for  other 
groups  that  he  may  later  gather  about  him. 

4.  Growth  Through  Larger  Service. — Every  Christian 
won  from  Confucian  ranks — in  China  at  least — comes  from 
the  Ju  Chiao,  or  Sect  of  the  Lettered,  as  the  phrase  signifies, 
though  chiao  means  teaching,  or  doctrine  rather  than  a sect 
in  its  primary  meaning.  As  such  all  are  competent,  with 
proper  Christian  training,  to  instruct  others.  Moreover,  in 
all  three  countries  under  consideration  their  superior  knowl- 
edge gives  them  a position  of  influence  and  a primacy  in 
teaching  which  the  ordinary  Oriental  Christian  does  not 
possess.  Here  is  an  opportunity  for  a Far-Eastern  Lay- 
men’s Movement  that  missionaries  should  develop,  partly 
through  full  theological  training  of  the  few  for  church  posi- 
tions. but  more  largely  through  training  the  majority  for  the 
lay  service  of  the  Church  in  its  manifold  and  enlarging 
spheres  of  influence.  Such  service  is  greatly  desired  by  some 
of  the  more  enlightened  scholars  of  China.  A friend  writes: 

“In  these  days  of  contact  with  missionaries  and  of  the  evident  need 


116 


THE  NEEDED  POWER 


of  setting  in  order  the  house  of  the  Republic,  a feeling  of  responsibility 
for  the  lower  classes  is  arising.  How  shall  they  be  lifted  up  and  made 
a source  of  strength  instead  of  being  a menace  to  the  state  ? The  intel- 
ligent, patriotic  Confucianist  no  longer  looks  with  contempt  upon  mis- 
sionary effort  for  the  ignorant  and  vicious.  In  fact,  he  may  be  induced 
to  join  hands  in  the  work,  knowing  that  the  missionary  has  from  some 
source  the  secret  of  uplift;  and  perhaps  through  his  own  failure  in 
just  these  lines,  the  proud  Confucianist  seeks  to  learn  about  that 
dynamic  of  Christianity  which  he  has  chosen  earlier  to  ignore  as  affect- 
ing his  own  life.” 

5.  Helpful  Literature. — Many  of  these  men,  especially  be- 
fore any  movement  among  Confucianists  has  begun,  are 
isolated  and  greatly  need  the  help  which  may  come  through 
literature  especially  prepared  for  them.  In  Appendix  E a 
list  of  such  books  and  periodicals  accessible  in  the  Chinese 
language  will  be  found.  Here  the  missionary’s  attention  is 
called  to  the  great  need  of  further  volumes  and  the  desira- 
bility of  selecting  from  the  men  of  his  acquaintance  the  most 
able  and  spiritual  of  these  converts  and  encouraging  and  aid- 
ing him  in  such  authorship.  The  help  coming  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  cause  through  the  writings  of  such  a convert  as  Dr. 
Paul  Hsii  is  suggestive  of  what  may  be  gained  from  the 
work  here  proposed. 

VII.  The  Needed  Power 

The  exceedingly  important  task  here  outlined  is  a great  yet 
rewarding  one.  It  aims  at  no  mass  movement,  but  is  rather 
the  laying  siege  to  Mansoul,  the  citadel  of  Eastern  Asia’s 
reluctance  to  receive  the  Christian  message  and  ruled  over 
by  a man  whose  training  and  environment  have  inclined  him 
to  be  self-sufhcient,  unspiritual  and  agnostic.  To  win  that 
fortress  demands  laborious  mining,  watchful  waiting,  tact- 
ful approach,  loving  attack,  firmness  in  calling  men  to  a joy- 
ful and  entire  surrender  to  our  Supreme  King  and  patience 
in  transforming  these  captives  into  glad  “bond-servants  of 


117 


PRESENTING  CHRISTIANITY  IN  CONFUCIAN  LANDS 


Jesus  Christ”  because  at  last  the  Silver  Rule  of  China’s 
Throneless  King  has  been  replaced  by  the  positive  altruism 
of  Jesus’  Royal  Law.  To  win  Confucianists  for  Christ’s 
widening  Kingdom  is  too  stupendous  an  undertaking  to  be 
entered  upon  with  the  equipment  of  flesh  and  mind  alone; 
it  is  “not  by  an  army”  of  such  strong  men  that  the  Gibraltar 
of  non-Christian  religionists  is  to  be  won.  The  whole  pan- 
oply of  God  must  be  the  possession  of  those  who  would  con- 
quer, and  victory  is  only  in  His  Son  and  through  the  power 
with  which  He  endues  those  who  wait  upon  Him  and  are 
obedient  unto  His  Word.  St,  Paul’s  prayer,  following  his 
statement  concerning  the  Christian  panoply  and  found  in 
Ephesians  6:13-18,  may  well  be  the  burden  of  missionaries 
in  the  Far  East  whose  work  brings  them  in  frequent  contact 
with  Confucianists. 


118 


APPENDIXES 


Appendix  A. — Studies  of  Special  Value  for  One  Who 

Is  TO  Be  a Missionary  in  Confucian  Lands 

The  following  lists  aim  to  indicate  those  studies  which  are 
of  prime  importance  for  the  candidate  or  for  the  missionary 
who  desires  to  interpret  Christianity  to  Confucian  peoples. 
The  general  studies  which  are  common  to  missionary  prepa- 
ration for  all  fields  and  for  all  types  of  service  have  not  been 
mentioned,  having  been  adequately  discussed  in  the  reports 
of  committees  and  conferences  already  issued  by  the  Board 
of  Missionary  Preparation. 

1.  To  he  Pursued  at  College  or  at  a Training  School 

History  of  the  Far  East 

The  history  and  literature  of  these  countries,  especially  of  China, 
are  so  intertwined  that  an  ignorance  of  the  former  would  be  sur- 
prising to  an  educated  Chinese. 

Anthropology  and  Ethnology 

Such  courses  will  give  the  candidate  a valuable  preliminary  knowl- 
edge of  Far-Eastern  peoples. 

Political  and  Economic  History  of  Nations 

China  is  now  in  a transitional  state.  The  people  are  keenly  alive 
to  theories  of  progress  based  upon  the  experience  of  the  ancient 
and  modern  world.  ' 

Psychology 

Educational  psychology  is  very  valuable  for  the  young  missionary. 

Ethics 

A thorough-going  knowledge  of  Occidental  ethics  is  desirable  as 
a basis  for  the  understanding  of  Confucianism,  itself  an  ethical 
system. 

Sociology 

“Changing  China”  makes  this  study  unusually  important.  The  mis- 
sionary should  acquire  the  social  point  of  view  of  the  Occident. 

2.  To  he  Pursued  in  the  Professional  or  Graduate  Training  School 

The  history  and  comparison  of  religions 

A general  knowledge  of  religion  gives  one  much  greater  acceptance 
among  the  influential  classes  in  the  Far  East. 

The  Bible 

The  one  who  goes  to  China  to  teach  a religion  founded  upon  the 
Bible  but  who  has  no  mastery  of  it  is  greatly  discounted. 


119 


APPENDIX  A 


Apologetics 

The  ability  to  state  the  reasons  for  Christianity  clearly  and  ade- 
quately is  very  important  in  China  and  essential  in  Japan.  The 
study  of  the  arguments  for  and  against  materialism  is  essential. 

The  history  of  Christian  missions 
The  science  of  Christian  missions 

The  general  principles  of  phonetics  as  applied  to  language. 

3.  To  be  Pursued  during  the  Period  of  Specialization 

The  studies  of  this  period  will,  as  a rule,  be  taken  either  in  an  insti- 
tution at  home,  adequate  for  the  purpose,  or  in  one  of  the  well-equipped 
training  schools  on  the  field. 

The  intensive  history  of  Christian  missions  in  the  Far  East. 
The  special  missionary  problems  of  the  Far  East. 

The  Far  East  under  the  influence  of  Western  civilization  dur- 
ing the  past  century. 

The  place  of  Mohammedanism  in  China. 

The  place  of  Buddhism  in  the  Far  East. 

The  social,  economic,  political,  philosophical,  and  religious  prob- 
lems of  the  Far  East  in  the  last  decade. 

'1  he  application  of  the  principles  of  phonetics  to  the  language 
group  to  which  the  vernacular  of  the  missionary’s  field  belongs. 
This  may  be  done  at  home  only  under  exceptional  circumstances. 

Theories  of  government 

The  missionary  needs  merely  to  be  able  to  converse  intelligently  on 
such  matters. 

4.  To  he  Pursued  during  the  First  Period  of  Missionary  Service  in 

the  Far  East 

Some  of  the  subjects  mentioned  above  will  be  continued  during  the 
years  on  the  field.  To  these  may  be  added  such  studies  as  the  fol- 
lowing ; 

The  thorough  mastery  of  the  vernacular  with  which  the  mis- 
sionary is  to  work. 

The  reading  of  newspapers  and  current  literature. 

The  reading  of  selections  from  the  Classics  in  the  original. 

The  mastery  in  translation  at  least  of  the  works  emphasized  in 
this  Report. 

Animism  in  the  Far  East. 

Taoism  in  China  and  Shintoism  in  Japan. 

The  popular  religion  of  China — the  really  vital  forces  at  work. 


120 


STUDIES  OF  SPECIAL  VALUE 


The  correlation  of  Chinese  or  Japanese  religious  thinking  with 
Christian  thought. 

The  presentation  of  the  gospel. 

The  development  of  the  indigenous  Chinese  church. 

5.  To  he  Pursued  during  the  First  Furlough 

The  primary  purpose  of  the  missionary  during  his  first  furlough 
should  be  to  supply  the  deficiencies  in  his  preparation  which  the  first 
term  of  service  has  revealed,  to  bring  himself  up  to  date  in  the  line 
of  his  special  work  in  the  Far  East,  and  to  familiarize  himself  with 
the  new  views  and  new  methods  in  related  fields. 

Among  the  topics  of  especial  value  are : 

A review  of  philosophy,  ethics  and  theology  with  the  purpose  of 
getting  adjusted  to  progress  in  each  department. 

A comparison  of  Chinese  or  Japanese  ethics  with  Western  ethics 
to  discover  their  relations. 

« 

Advanced  study  of  Confucianism,  etc.,  with  home  experts. 

The  economic  and  social  history  of  the  Far  East. 

A study  of  the  Far  East  with  a view  of  determining  its  perma- 
nent place  in  the  world  and  its  contribution  to  world  better- 
ment. 

The  complete  message  of  the  missionary  to  Confucian  peoples. 

Denominationalism  and  federation  in  missions. 

6.  Studies  which  will  Demand  the  Permanent  Attention  of  the  Mis- 

sionary to  Confucian  Peoples 

The  idiomatic  and  elegant  use  of  the  missionary’s  vernacular 
and  a familiar  knowledge  of  its  literature  through  selected 
examples. 

The  Occidental  and  Confucian  types  of  life,  character  and  view- 
point in  their  differences  and  in  their  complemental  features. 

Chinese  social  movements  and  the  attitude  of  the  missionary 
toward  them. 

The  position  of  women  in  China  and  their  uplift. 

The  animistic  element  in  Far-Eastern  religious  thought  and  prac- 
tice and  its  influence  on  the  Chinese  and  Korean  Christian 
churches. 

The  future  Christian  churches  in  the  Far  East : their  full  self- 
realization,  their  ecclesiastical  type  and  their  place  in  Christen- 
dom. 

The  latent  spiritual  forces  in  the  Far  East. 


121 


Appendix  B. — A Brief  Course  of  Specialized  Reading 
FOR  Far-Eastern  Candidates 

While  this  report  has  been  prepared  for  fuller  use  by  those 
who  will  spend  much  time  upon  the  reading  and  study  re- 
quired to  fill  out  the  meager  outline  here  given,  there  must 
be  many  who  for  varied  reasons  cannot  devote  much  atten- 
tion to  this  part  of  their  preparation.  For  such  persons  the 
following  suggestions  are  made. 

1.  Reading  Desirable  for  All  the  Far  East. — China,  Japan  and  Korea 
are  so  intimately  related  that  it  is  important  that  a missionary  candi- 
date should  have  a general  knowledge  of  certain  aspects  of  Far- 
Eastern  life  in  all  three  countries,  particularly  on  the  religious  side. 
The  reading  here  suggested  is  of  brief  or  essential  books  and  other 
sources. 

A general  survey  of  these  countries  from  a missionary  viewpoint 
can  be  found  in  Moule’s  “Spirit  of  Japan,”  Gale’s  “Korea  in  Transi- 
tion” and  Smith’s  “Uplift  of  China.”  Read  them  throughout.  Chapters 
VI  and  VIII  of  Knox’s  “Spirit  of  the  Orient”  are  also  well  worth 
reading  by  all. 

For  a general  survey  of  late  movements  in  the  three  lands,  pages 
3-26,  343-7  of  “The  Christian  Movement  in  the  Japanese  Empire”  for 

1916,  and  pages  3-20  of  the  same  for  1917,  with  pages  11-43  of  the 
“China  Mission  Year  Book”  for  1916,  and  the  same  Year  Book  for 

1917,  are  commended.  If  they  are  not  available,  read  the  “International 
Review  of  Missions”  articles  on  a missionary  survey  of  the  years 
1915,  1916,  found  in  the  January  issues  for  1916,  1917 — the  Japan, 
Korea  and  China  sections. 

For  the  religious  situation  briefer  books  are  not  so  satisfactory  as 
fuller  ones.  Professor  Ashida’s  article,  “Japan,”  Maurice  Courant’s 
sketch  of  “Korea”  and  De  Groot’s  “Confucian  Religion,”  all  in  the 
“Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,” — with  Walshe’s  booklet,  “Con- 
fucius and  Confucianism”  as  a fuller  statement, — supply  good  outlines 
of  a helpful  sort.  Though  too  brief.  Chapter  III  in  Underwood’s  “Call 
of  Korea”  is  better  than  Courant  from  the  candidate’s  point  of  view. 
For  fuller  general  discussions,  Soothill’s  “Three  Religions  of  China” 
and  Harada’s  “The  Faith  of  Japan”  are  commended;  though  for  out- 
line work  they  are  useful  mainly  in  parts. 


122 


SPECIALIZED  READING 


2.  Additional  Readings  for  Japan  Candidates. — Dr.  Gulick’s  “Evolu- 
tion of  the  Japanese”  will  enable  the  missionary  to  understand  these 
people  as  perhaps  nothing  else  in  English  does.  Their  possibilities  as 
Christian  leaders  are  impressively  shown  in  either  Dr.  Davis’s  or 
Professor  Hardy’s  biography  of  Joseph  Neesima.  Their  own  estimate 
of  themselves  as  related  to  Western  influences  and  civilization  is  admi- 
rably shown  in  Chapters  XXIV  and  XXIX  of  Okuma’s  “Fifty  Years 
of  New  Japan.” 

Fuller  information  concerning  the  religions  of  the  Empire  may  be 
found  in  the  work  last  named,  Chapters  II-V,  the  fifth  being  on  Chris- 
tianity. Dr.  Griffis’s  “Religions  of  Japan”  is  still  fuller  and  is  com- 
mended to  those  who  cannot  secure  Count  Okuma’s  work.  Another 
substitute  for  his  volumes  is  Dr.  Knox’s  “The  Development  of  Religion 
in  Japan.”  Chapter  IV  of  Vol.  IV,  “World  Missionary  Conference, 
1910,”  will  be  rewarding  also.  It  is  assumed  that  President  Harada’s 
volume  mentioned  under  paragraph  1 above  has  been  read.  If  not,  it 
should  be. 

Missionary  methods  are  discussed  helpfully  by  Mr.  Pieters  in  “Mis- 
sion Problems  in  Japan.”  Even  more  profitable  perhaps  is  Miss  De 
Forest’s  life  of  her  father,  “The  Evolution  of  a Missionary,”  since 
it  is  a history  of  missionary  methods  as  evolved  in  a virile,  godly  life. 

The  history  of  missions  in  the  Empire  should  be  known  in  outline 
at  least.  For  this  purpose  Clement’s  “Christianity  in  Modern  Japan” 
is  a good  briefer  book.  For  extended  study  Dr.  Cary’s  “History  of 
Christianity  in  Japan”  is  the  best  work  on  the  subject.  Volume  II  is 
the  one  most  valuable,  as  it  confines  itself  to  Protestant  Missions. 

For  a sketchy  background  of  life  in  the  Empire,  Lloyd’s  “Every-day 
Japan”— especially  Chapters  I,  XII,  XV,  XXIV,  XXX VHI,  LXII, 
LXIH — is  admirable.  Less  authoritative  but  equally  interesting  is 
Scherer’s  “Japan  To-day.”  For  a full  background  of  varied  aspects, 
read  Dr.  Knox’s  “Japanese  Life  in  Town  and  Country.”  These  vol- 
umes are  placed  last  as  being  less  important  than  those  preceding 
under  paragraph  2. 

3.  Additional  Readings  for  Korea  Candidates. — A full  general  intro- 
duction to  one’s  future  field  can  be  found  in  Allen’s  “Things  Korean,” 
written  by  the  pioneer  medical  missionary  from  America.  As  mis- 
sionary and  diplomat  his  book  has  importance,  even  though  it  is 
written  in  a scrappy  way.  Dr.  Gale’s  “Korean  Sketches”  will  serve  a 
similar  purpose,  with  more  literary  attractiveness,  despite  its  being 
twenty  years  old. 

An  adequate  knowledge  of  the  Koreans  is  not  obtainable  in  any  such 

123 


APPENDIX  B 


volume  as  Dr.  Gulick’s  “Evolution  of  the  Japanese,”  or  Dr.  Smith’s 
“Chinese  Characteristics.”  Hence  the  brief  chapters  on  the  people  in 
the  books  already  named  will  need  to  be  supplemented  from  other 
sources.  Thus  Chapter  I of  Longford’s  “Story  of  Korea,”  Chapter  XII 
of  Ladd’s  “In  Korea  with  Marquis  Ito” — deals  mainly  with  the  higher 
classes  in  a transitional  period.  Chapter  X of  Ross’s  “History  of 
Corea,”  Chapter  II  of  Hulbert’s  “Passing  of  Korea,”  or  pages  cli-clxi 
of  Dallet’s  “Histoire  d’l’Eglise  de  Coree”  will  fill  out  the  picture. 
“Five  Korean  Characteristics”  in  the  April,  1917,  “Korea  Magazine” 
is  excellent. 

The  religious  views  and  life  of  the  people  may  be  learned  more  fully 
from  Criffis’s  “Corea  the  Hermit  Nation,”  Chapter  XXXVII,  Lowell’s 
“Choson,”  Chapters  XIX,  XX ; Mrs.  Bishop’s  “Korea  and  Her  Neigh- 
bors,” Chapters  XXX,  XXXIV,  XXXV,  or  Dallet’s  “Histoire,”  pages 
cxxxviii-cl.  A series  of  six  articles  on  “The  Korean  Mudang  and 
Pansu”  in  the  1903  files  of  “The  Korean  Review”  makes  the  animistic 
aspects  of  religion  very  clear  and  saddening.  “The  Korean  Reposi- 
tory” for  1895,  pages  401-4,  contains  a brief  but  pointed  article  upon 
“Confucianism  in  Korea.”  “A  Korean’s  View  of  Christianity”  in 
the  June,  1917,  “Korea  Magazine”  is  a sample  Confucian  view  of  its 
own  system  and  Christianity,  written  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

Protestant  missionary  history  in  Korea  began  in  1884  and  hence  no 
formal  annals  have  been  prepared.  Dallet’s  work  mentioned  above  is 
an  admirable  survey  of  Roman  Catholic  Missions  and  martyrdom  up 
to  1866.  Mrs.  Underwood’s  “Fifteen  Years  Among  the  Top-knots” 
gives  personal  reminiscences  of  her  own  work  for  more  than  half  the 
period  of  Protestant  occupation ; while  in  the  form  of  a novel  Dr. 
Cale  has  written  with  only  a thin  veil  of  disguise  of  the  missionaries 
and  their  work  in  “The  Vanguard” — a delightful  specimen  of  his- 
torical fiction. 

Methods  in  Korea  are  largely  responsible  for  the  marvelous  success 
of  the  enterprise  there.  They  are  given  in  a nutshell  in  Dr.  Under- 
wood’s “Call  of  Korea,”  pages  109-10.  Dr.  Nevius’s  theories,  more 
fully  stated,  are  set  forth  in  his  “Methods  of  Mission  Work,”  even 
more  useful  for  Korean  missionaries  than  for  those  in  China,  Dr. 
Nevius’s  field.  Mrs.  Baird,  in  her  “Inside  Views  of  Mission  Life,” 
has  depicted  the  worker  in  personal  life  and  action  in  a way  almost  as 
helpful  as  if  she  were  discussing  methods,  while  her  “Daybreak  in 
Korea”  does  partly  the  same  thing  in  a series  of  pictures  of  Korean 
work. 

4.  Additional  Readings  for  China  Candidates. — If  a single  volume 

124 


SPECIALIZED  READING 


were  to  be  advised  for  such  candidates,  perhaps  Bishop  Bashford’s 
“China  an  Interpretation”  would  best  serve  every  purpose,  despite  its 
fulness.  An  earlier,  briefer  and  in  most  respects,  except  up-to-dateness, 
an  equally  comprehensive  introduction  to  this  field  is  Dr.  Nevius’s 
“China  and  the  Chinese.”  If  Dr.  Pott’s  “Emergency  in  China”  were 
added,  there  would  remain  only  a score  of  years  not  covered  in  a gen- 
eral way. 

The  Chinese  people  are  amusingly  and  truly  portrayed  in  Dr.  Smith’s 
“Chinese  Characteristics.”  Yet  this  volume  has  been  criticised  as 
being  too  much  the  work  of  a humorist  who  has  magnified  the  foibles 
and  failings  of  the  people,  a fault  which  the  author  has  done  some- 
thing to  atone  for  in  his  “China  and  America  To-day,”  Chapter  IV — 
which  should  be  read  in  any  case.  Like  this  latter  chapter.  Professor 
Ross’s  discussion  of  the  “Race  Fiber”  and  the  “Race  Mind”  of  the 
people  in  his  “Changing  Chinese”  will  give  the  candidate  some  con- 
ception of  the  strength  of  these  Orientals.  To  supplement  this  domi- 
nantly northern  view  of  these  people,  missionaries  south  of  the  Yang- 
tzu  River  may  read  Chapters  II,  III,  XV,  XXI-XXV,  of  Dyer  Ball’s 
“The  Chinese  at  Home,”  or  Hardy’s  “John  Chinaman  at  Home,” 
Chapters  VII,  IX,  XVI,  XXI,  XXXI. 

If  Soothill’s  “Three  Religions  of  China”  was  not  read  in  connection 
with  paragraph  1,  it  should  be  studied  and  will  suffice  for  a modern 
view  of  this  subject.  If  unobtainable,  read  Douglas’s  “Confucianism 
and  Taouism,”  or  Chapters  HI,  IV  of  Gibson’s  “Mission  Problems  and 
Methods  in  South  China.”  Legge’s  “Religions  of  China”  is  fuller  than 
the  last  reference  and  may  be  substituted  if  desired.  Chapter  III  of 
Volume  IV,  “World  Missionary  Conference,  1910,”  will  summarize, 
from  a missionary  viewpoint,  what  has  been  read. 

No  great  mission  field  is  so  inadequately  provided  with  histories  of 
the  work  as  China.  The  latest  account  of  this  sort  is  in  Chapter  VII 
of  Canon  Robinson’s  “History  of  Christian  Missions,”  with  War- 
neck’s  “Abriss  einer  Geschichte  der  protestantischen  Missionen,”  pages 
462-491,  as  almost  as  late  a summary — revised  in  1913.  The  best 
full  volumes  are  McGillivray’s  “Century  of  Protestant  Missions  in 
China,”  valuable  for  its  treatment  of  individual  societies,  and  Broom- 
hall’s  “Chinese  Empire,”  useful  for  the  history  of  work  by  provinces. 
So  is  the  “China  Mission  Year  Book”  for  1917.  This  enables  a can- 
didate to  learn  in  detail  what  his  society  has  done  in  all  portions 
of  China  through  the  first  work,  and  the  reading  of  Broomhall’s  volume 
gives  him  a view  of  all  missions  laboring  in  his  own  province.  It  is 
not  advisable  to  read  either  volume  throughout,  though  the  forty-page 

125 


APPENDIX  C 


“Introduction”  of  Broomhall’s  book  should  be  read.  Both  works  bring 
the  history  up  to  1907  only. 

Missionary  methods  are  discussed  for  northeastern  China  in  Ross’s 
“Mission  Methods  in  Manchuria,”  for  North  China  in  Nevius’s  booklet, 
“Methods  of  Mission  Work,”  for  Eastern  China  in  Soothill’s  “A 
Typical  Mission  in  China,”  and  for  Southeastern  China  in  Gibson’s 
“Mission  Problems  and  Mission  Methods  in  South  China.”  The  “China 
Centenary  Missionary  Conference  Records”  of  1907  is  admirable, 
though  its  fulness  makes  it  unadvisable  to  read  more  than  Part  I 
at  most. 

N.  B. — It  is  evident  that  if  all  the  literature  mentioned  in  this  Appen- 
dix were  carefully  studied,  it  could  not  be  called  a “Brief  Course.” 
Candidates  are  again  reminded  that  only  the  brief  books  of  paragraph  1 
and  the  sources  under  the  chosen  field  of  their  future  labors  are  to  be 
read.  Of  the  special  field  suggestions  a candidate  is  not  likely  to 
find  in  the  average  college  or  university  library  half  of  the  sources 
mentioned.  Let  him  see  what  is  available  and  read  what  he  has  time 
for,  omitting  the  general  works  of  paragraph  1 if  time  is  lacking.  If 
very  little  time  is  available,  we  would  advise  a careful  reading  of  this 
report,  of  the  brief  volume  for  his  field  found  in  paragraph  1,  and  of 
Bishop  Montgomery’s  “Mankind  and  the  Church,”  pages  xi-xlviii,  by 
all,  of  pages  138-236  by  candidates  for  Japan,  and  of  pages  239-277 
for  those  going  to  China. 


Appendix  C. — An  Annotated  Bibliography  of  Litera- 
ture IN  European  Languages  Useful  for  This  Report 

In  this  list  are  entered  a selected  number  of  books,  pam- 
phlets and  periodicals  useful  in  these  studies.  The  list  may 
seem  very  large.  It  is  made  so  in  order  to  enable  the  reader 
to  find  at  least  one  source  for  most  of  the  subjects  having 
suggested  readings.  Thus,  if  a list  of  fifty  of  the  best  books 
only  had  been  given,  the  reader  would  be  far  less  likely  to 
find  a given  reference  than  with  the  present  one  with  its  two 
hundred  and  fifty  entries.  Appendixes  B and  D will  aid  the 
reader  in  selecting  from  the  sources  here  mentioned  those 
useful  for  specific  topics  and  fields.  While  this  Bibliography 
contains  the  best  aids  to  the  study  of  the  subject  for  scholars 


126 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


and  junior  missionaries,  the  majority  of  the  sources  are  more 
or  less  popular  in  character,  being  intended  for  the  average 
missionary  candidate  for  the  Far  East. 

The  annotations  are,  in  the  main,  the  work  of  the  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  alone.  He  should  be  held  responsible 
for  the  statements  here  found.  In  most  cases  they  are  not 
at  all  critical,  but  aim  to  give  some  idea  of  the  contents  and 
values  of  the  various  entries. 

1.  Alexander,  G.  G.  Confucius,  the  Great  Teacher.  Pp.  xx,  314.  London, 

Paul,  1890. 

This  is  “a  resume  of  all  that  concerns  the  life,  times  and  teachings  of  Confucius,’*  in- 
cluding 'some  legendary  incidents. 

2.  Allan,  C.  W.  The  Makers  of  Cathay.  Pp.  iv,  242,  v.  Shanghai,  Presby- 

terian Mission  Press,  1909. 

A convenient  and  trustworthy  volume,  giving  relatively  full  sketches  of  nineteen  Chi- 
nese worthies,  of  whom  Confucius,  Mencius,  Chu  Hsi,  Chin  Shih  Huang  Ti,  Wang 
An-shih  and  K'ang  Hsi  are  most  important  here. 

3.  Allen,  C.  F.  R.  The  Book  of  Chinese  Poetry  . . . the  Shih  Ching;  or 

Classic  of  Poetry.  Pp.  xl,  528.  London,  Triibner,  1891. 

By  a British  consul  and  Chinese  scholar  who  succeeds  in  showing  in  Chinese  literature 
“something  that  really  concerns  us,  something  that  is  not  merely  old  but  eternally 
young.”  Its  use  of  Chinese  characters  in  notes  is  an  aid. 

4.  Allen,  H.  J.  Early  Chinese  History.  Pp.  300.  London,  S.  P.  C.  K.,  1906. 

In  his  discussion  of  the  question,  Are  the  Chinese  Classics  forged?  this  British  consul 
expresses  views  differing  from  those  of  most  scholars,  holding  that  those  works  were 
the  product  of  the  historian  Ssu-ma  Ch‘ien  and  scholars  of  the  Han  Dynasty.  It  con- 
tains very  extended  quotations  bearing  on  his  contention. 

5.  Allen,  H.  N.  Things  Korean.  Pp.  256.  New  York,  Revell,  1908. 

“A  collection  of  sketches  and  anecdotes,  missionary  and  diplomatic,”  by  the  first  Protes- 
tant missionary  to  that  country,  later  a diplomat. 

6.  Armstrong,  R.  C.  Light  from  the  East.  Studies  in  Japanese  Confucian- 

ism. Pp.  XV,  326.  Toronto,  University  of  Toronto,  1914. 

The  most  extended  treatment  in  English  of  this  subject;  confined  almost  exclusively 
to  the  Confucian  philosophy  of  the  Tokugawa  age.  The  author  has  devoted  some 
years  to  the  study  of  Japan’s  intellectual  development  in  its  varied  phases,  and  in 
preparing  this  volume  he  had  the  assistance  of  Japanese  scholars. 

7.  Asiatic  Review,  prior  to  1914,  known  as  the  “Asiatic  Quarterly  Review.” 

London,  Unwin. 

Vol.  II,  1886,  pp.  381-402,  has  an  article  by  Dr.  Edkins  on  Confucian  religion;  illu- 
minating. Vol.  IX,  1890,  pp.  12-29  contains  an  article  on  “The  Model  Missionary  in 
China,”  a literary  man’s  conception  of  what  he  should  be,  written  after  many  years’ 
residence  and  observation.  In  a series  of  articles  from  Vol.  IX,  new  series,  1895,  to 
Vol.  XI,  Prof.  C.  de  Harlez  contributes  a translation  of  the  “I  Ching,”  with  notes 
and  discussions. 

8.  Baird,  A.  L.  A.  Daybreak  in  Korea.  Pp.  123.  New  York,  Revell,  1909. 

Mrs.  Baird  writes  from  observation  of  Koreans  “richly  endowed  with  capacity  for 
high  ideals  and  sacrifice  of  self,  with  power  to  love,  to  hate,  to  enjoy,  to  suffer  and 
to  endure.” 

9.  — Inside  Views  of  Mission  Life.  Pp.  138.  Philadelphia,  Westminster 

Press,  1913. 

Has  nothing  to  do  with  Confucianism,  but  it  is  a fine  booklet  for  a young  missionary 
to  Korea  and  other  Far-Eastern  lands. 

10.  Ball,  J.  D.  The  Celestial  and  His  Religions.  Pp.  xviii,  240.  Hongkong, 

Kelly  & Walsh,  1906. 

The  first  lecture  on  the  primeval  conception  of  God  in  Chinese  and  primitive  religion, 
and  lecture  second  on  “Propriety,  Ceremonial  and  National  Righteousness,  or  Con- 
fucianism” are  most  helpful  portions  of  this  book. 

11.  — The  Chinese  at  Home.  Pp.  xii,  370.  New  York,  Revell,  1912. 

Half  a century’s  acquaintance  with  China  and  the  Chinese  makes  these  readable  sketches 
valuable. 


127 


APPENDIX  C 


12.  [Bailer,  F.  W.]  Letters  from  an  Old  Missionary  to  His  Nephew.  Pp. 

122.  Shanghai,  American  Presbyterian  Press,  1907. 

Substance  of  talks  given  at  the  China  Inland  Mission  Training  Horae,  Anking,  by 
their  most  experienced  missionary.  Conservative  in  its  religious  and  biblical  views; 
most  strongly  commended  for  its  practical  advice  for  young  missionaries. 

13.  Barrows,  J.  H.,  editor.  World’s  Parliament  of  Religions.  Held  in  Chi- 

cago in  Connection  with  the  Columbia  Exposition  of  1893.  Pp.  xxiv, 
1600.  Two  vols.  Chicago,  Parliament  Publishing  Co.,  1893. 

Discussion  of  Confucianism  in  V'ol.  I by  the  Minister  to  the  United  States,  Pung 
Kwang-yu,  a Chinese  authority  on  the  subject. 

14.  Bashford,  J.  W.  China  an  Interpretation.  Pp.  620.  New  York,  Abingdon 

Press,  1916. 

Bishop  Bashford’s  former  work  as  an  educator  and  his  long  residence  in  China,  where 
he  had  opportunities  for  wide  observation,  make  this  one  of  the  best  volumes  on  that 
country  for  prospective  missionaries.  Chs.  VI-X  are  especially  useful  for  these  studies. 

15.  Bettany,  G.  T.  The  World’s  Religions.  Pp.  xvii,  908.  New  York,  Chris- 
tian Literature  Co.,  1891. 

A popular  compilation  by  a well-informed  student  of  religions.  See  pp.  102*143  for 
Confucianism  and  Confucius. 

16.  Bishop,  I.  B.  Korea  and  Her  Neighbors.  Pp.  480.  New  York,  Revell, 

1898. 

A world  traveler’s  account  of  her  journeys  in  Manchuria  and  Korea.  Chs.  XXX, 
XXXIV,  XXXV,  on  exorcists  and  demonism,  and  her  references  to  mission  work — 
see  Index,  “Mis.sionaries  and  the  Missions” — are  especially  good. 

17.  Bosworth,  E.  I.  Studies  of  the  Teaching  of  Jesus  and  His  Apostles.  Pp. 

xi,  217.  New  York,  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Press,  1901. 

Thirty  studies  arranged  for  daily  devotional  use,  with  Bible  passages,  comments  and 
questions;  prepared  for  students. 

18.  Bouinais,  Lieutenant-Colonel  and  A.  Paulus.  Le  Culte  des  Morts  dans 

le  Celeste  Empire  et  I’Annam  Compare  au  Culte  des  Ancetres  dans 
I’Antikuite  Occidentale.  Pp.  xxxiii,  267.  Paris,  Ernest  Leroux,  1893. 

Full  statement  in  Part  I of  the  cult  of  the  dead  and  ancestor  worship  and  sacrifices; 
in  Part  II  of  similarities  between  Far-Eastern  and  ancient  Occidental  ancestor  wor- 
ship: and  in  Part  III  of  the  influence  of  Chinese  eschatological  views  upon  Far-Eastern 
family  and  society  ideals. 

19.  Boulger,  D.  C.  The  History  of  China.  Two  vols.  Pp.  734,  627.  London, 

W.  Thacker  & Co.,  1898. 

One  of  the  standard  English  histories  of  China.  Pp.  1-64,  Vol.  I,  for  early  history, 
and  pp.  504-S47,  Vol.  II,  for  later  hi.story  to  1898,  are  most  useful,  though  briefer  books 
are  more  desirable  except  for  specialists. 

20.  Brewster,  W.  N.  The  Evolution  of  New  China.  Pp.  316.  New  York, 

Eaton  & Mains,  1907. 

Ch.  VI,  on  “China^s  Triune  Religion,”  is  a concise  account  of  the  relative  place  of 
Confucianism,  Taoism  and  Buddhism  in  the  changing  regime;  written  by  a missionary 
of  prominence. 

21.  Brinkley,  Captain  F.  Oriental  Series — Japan:  Its  History,  Arts  and  Lit- 

erature. Eight  vols.  Vols.  II  and  V.  Pp.  286  and  260.  Boston,  Millet, 
1901,  1902. 

The  author  was  one  of  the  best-informed  men  of  letters  in  Japan.  His  judgment  as 
to  the  matters  recommended  is  that  of  a scholarlv  general  student  and  not  that  of  a 
specialist.  See  Chs.  V,  Vol.  II,  and  Ch.  V,  Vol.  V. 

22.  Broomhall,  M.,  editor.  The  Chinese  Empire,  a General  and  Missionary 

Survey.  Pp.  xxiv,  472.  London,  Morgan  & Scott,  1907. 

Its  introduction  on  the  general  history  of  Missions  a good  sketch.  The  history  and 
present  status  of  Missions  are  set  forth  by  prominent  writers  for  each  province  sep- 
arately. 

23.  Bruce,  A.  B.  Apologetics,  or  Christianity  Defensively  Stated.  Pp.  xvi, 

522.  New  York,  Scribner,  1894.  _ _ ' 

An  old  authority  still  commended.  U.seful  especially  in  Bk.  I on  theories  of  the 
universe,  Christian  ahd  anti-Christian,  and  Bk.  Ill,  on  the  Christian  origins,  especially 
Chs.  V and  X. 

24.  Carles,  W.  R.  Life  in  Corea.  Pp.  xiv,  317.  London,  Macmillan,  1888. 

Bv  a British  vice-consul  of  Korea  after  eighteen  months’  residence.  Valuable  picture 
of  the  life  at  the  time  of  Protestant  occupation. 


128 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


25.  Cary,  O.  A History  of  Christianity  in  Japan.  Two  vols.  Pp.  431,  367. 

New  York,  Revell,  1909. 

By  far  the  best  history  of  Missions  in  Japan.  Vol.  I deals  with  Roman  Catholic  and 
Greek  Orthodox  Missions,  and  Vol.  II  with  Protestant  work.  Ch.  IV,  Vol.  II,  on 
Japanese  arguments  against  Christianity  valuable  historically. 

26.  Catholic  Encyclopaedia.  New  York,  R.  Appleton. 

Vol.  IV,  1908.  Article  “Confucianism,”  pp.  223-228,  is  clear  and  comprehensive  and 
by  Prof.  Aiken.  — Vol.  XIII,  1912.  Article  “Ricci,  Matteo,”  pp.  34-40,  includes  a 
valuable  summary  of  the  Term  and  Rites  Questions. — Vol.  XVI,  1914.  See  Index 
under  “Confucianism,”  p.  243. 

27.  Chamberlain,  B.  H.  Things  Japanese:  Being  Notes  on  Various  Subjects 

Connected  with  Japan.  Pp.  viii,  552.  London,  Murray,  1905. 

By  a foremost  English  scholar,  encyclopaedic  in  character  and  arrangement.  See  “Con- 
fucianism” and  “Moral  Maxims.” 

28.  Chang  Chih-tung.  China’s  Only  Hope.  S.  I.  Woodbridge,  translator.  Pp. 

151.  New  York,  Revell,  1900. 

A million  copies  of  the  Chinese  original  were  the  greatest  single  factor  in  precipitating 
China’s  renaissance.  What  this  Confucian  Viceroy  says  of  the  three  moral  obligations, 
pp.  43-48,  and  of  religious  toleration,  pp.  144-148,  should  be  read. 

29.  Chen,  Huan-chang.  The  Economic  Principles  of  Confucius  and  His 

School.  Two  vols.  Pp.  XV,  756.  New  York,  Columbia  University,  1911. 

A notable  yet  one-sided  view  of  the  subject  by  a Columbia  University  Ph.D.  and  also 
a Chinese  third-degree  man,  who  is  a prominent  leader  among  the  younger  Confucian 
scholars. 

30.  China  Centenary  Missionary  Conference  Records.  Pp.  xxxv,  823.  New 

York,  American  Tract  Society,  1907. 

Full  account  of  the  1907  Centenary,  with  the  papers  and  diseussions.  Sections  on 
“Education,”  “Evangelistic  Work,”  “Christian  Literature,”  “Ancestral  Worship,”  and 
the  “Missionary  and  Public  Questions,”  most  valuable. 

31.  China  Mission  Handbook.  Pp.  92,  335.  Shanghai,  American  Presbyterian 

Press,  1896. 

“Confucianism,”  pp.  1-11,  “Chinese  Buddhism,”  pp.  12-22,  “Taoism,”  pp.  23-31,  and 
“Secret  Sects,”  pp.  41-45,  will  be  useful — especially  the  last. 

32.  China  Mission  Year  Book  . . . 1913.  Pp.  xvi,  733.  Shanghai,  Christian 

Literature  Society,  1913 

Chs.  I supplement,  VII  on  special  lines  of  approach,  VIII,  especially,  on  the  appeal  to 
Confucianists,  XIII  on  religious  opinions  in  the  Chinese  press,  and  XXIX  on  Christian 
literature  are  all  useful. 

33.  China  Mission  Year  Book  . . . 1914.  Pp.  870.  Shanghai,  Christian  Litera- 
ture Society,  1914. 

Dr.  Fenn’s  “What  Elements  in  the  Gospel  Possess  the  Greatest  Power  of  Appeal  to 
the  Chinese?”  pp.  116-126,  is  a valuable  consensus  of  opinion  on  the  subject.  See 
also  Dr.  Taylor  on  the  Mott  and  Eddy  meetings  for  students  and  literary  men,  pp. 
143-156. 

34.  China  Mission  Year  Book  . . . 1916.  Pp.  xvii,  554.  Shanghai,  Christian 

Literature  Society,  1916. 

Pp.  226-240  on  “Evangelistic  Movements  Among  Chinese  Students,”  and  Ch.  XXXIV, 
“Findings  Regarding  Chinese  Evangelistic  Literature,”  are  suggestive. 

35.  China  Review.  London,  Triibner. 

Vol.  V,  pp.  271-281,  has  an  article  by  John  Chalmers  on  Chinese  natural  theology,  con- 
taining a classified  selection  of  usable  Chinese  quotations  from  the  Classics. — Vol.  VI, 
pp.  147-158.  223-235^  299-310.  363-374,  report  a series  of  four  lectures  on  “Imperial 
Confucianism,”  deliv'ered  in  1877. 

36.  The  Chinese  Recorder.  Shanghai,  American  Presbyterian  Mission  Press, 

1868 — in  progress. 

The  articles  on  Confucianism  by  various  writers  are  of  great  value,  as  also  those  dis- 
cussing our  subject.  The  best  missionary  periodical  in  any  field. 

37.  The  Chinese  Repository.  Twenty  vols.  Canton,  1833-1851. 

While  the  articles  on  Confucianism  were  written  at  an  earlier  date,  some  of  them  are 
unique  and  very  helpful.  They  are  by  first-hand  authorities. 

38.  Christian  Movement  in  Japan  . . . 1910.  Pp.  xi,  675.  Tokyo,  Kyobun- 

kwan,  1910. 

In  the  Semi-centennial  Record,  Pt.  I,  Chs.  II,  VII,  VIII,  are  excellent  for  Japan 
missionaries,  though  not  directly  on  Confucianism. 

39.  Christian  Movement  in  the  Japanese  Empire  . . . 1916.  Pp.  xi,  371,  cl. 

New  York,  Missionary  Education  Movement,  1916. 

Pt.  IV,  on  “Christian  Literature,”  is  suggestive. 

129 


APPENDIX  C 


40.  Christian  Movement  in  the  Japanese  Empire  . . . 1917.  Pp,  xi,  421,  clx. 

New  York,  Missionary  Education  Movement,  1917. 

Parts  I,  “General  Review,”  \ I,  “Education,”  VII,  “Literature,”  and  IX,  “Social  Prob- 
lems,” especially  useful. 

41.  Clement,  E.  W.  Christianity  in  Modern  Japan.  Pp.  xv,  205.  Philadelphia, 

American  Baptist  Publication  Society,  1905. 

An  outline  view  ot  Christian  history  in  Japan,  with  references  to  books  and  pamphlets 
where  fuller  information  may  be  found;  by  a missionary  long  resident  in  the  Empire. 

42.  Clennell,  W.  J.  The  Historical  Development  of  Religion  in  China.  Pp. 

260.  London,  Unwin,  1917. 

A British  consul's  studies.  Chs.  II,  on  the  ancient  religion;  VI,  on  the  Confucian 
Renaissance;  IX,  on  China  and  the  Church  of  Rome,  are  most  to  the  point  in  these 
studies. 

43.  Counsels  to  New  Missionaries  from  Older  Missionaries  of  the  Presby- 

terian Board.  Pp.  145.  New  York,  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  Pres- 
byterian Church  in  the  U.  S.  A.,  1905. 

Ch.  ill,  "iMis.sionanes  arc!  .he  Language”;  IV,  “Spirit  and  Methods  of  Evangeliza- 
tion”; VI.  “The  Home  Life  of  Missionaries,”  and  “VII,  “Some  Counsel  to  Women 
Teachers,”  are  by  China  missionaries.  Ch.  V,  “Prerequisites  and  Principles  of  Evan- 
gelization.” is  by  a Korean  worker. 

44.  Couvreur,  S.  Cheu  King  (Canon  of  Poetry).  Pp.  xxxii,  556.  Ho  Kien 

Fou,  Imprimerie  de  la  Mission  Catholique,  1896. 

Contains  Chinese  text,  with  romanization,  translations  into  French  and  Latin  and  a 
vocabulary.  Ch.  II  of  the  Introduction,  “Notions  Tirees  du  Cheu  King,”  is  especially 
helpful,  particularly  pp.  xxi-xxxi,  referring  to  religious  matters. 

45.  — Chou  King  (Canon  of  History).  Two  vols.  Pp.  xxxii,  556;  vi,  464. 

Ho  Kien  Fou,  Imprimerie  de  la  Mission  Catholique,  18%,  1897. 

By  a French  Sinologue  in  Catholic  missionary  service.  It  contains  the  Chinese  text 
with  its  romanization,  translations  in  French  and  Latin  and  a vocabulary,  as  well  as 
an  introduction.  Ch.  II  of  the  introduction  to  the  first  volume  is  valuable  for  its 
topical  quotations  from  the  two  vols. 

46.  — Les  Quatre  Livres.  Pp.  vi,  748.  Ho  Kien  Fou,  Imprimerie  de  la  Mission 

Catholique,  1895. 

A uselessly  brief  introduction,  the  Chinese  text  with  romanization,  translations  in 
French  and  Latin  and  a vocabulary  make  this  helpful  to  students. 

47.  — Li  Ki  (Book  of  Rites),  ou  Memoires  sur  les  Bienseances  et  les  Cere- 

monies. Two  vols.  Pp.  xvi,  788;  iv,  850.  Ho  Kien  Fou,  Imprimerie 
de  la  Mission  Catholique,  1899. 

A brief  introduction,  the  Chinese  text  with  romanization,  translations  in  French  and 
Latin  and  an  excellent  vocabulary  make  this  most  helpful  to  scholars. 

48.  Dallet,  C.  Histoire  de  I’figlise  de  Coree.  Two  vols.  Pp.  cxcii,  383,  595. 

Paris,  Victor  Palme,  1874. 

Be.st  history  of  Roman  Missions  in  Korea  up  to  1866.  Valuable  also  "for  the  accurate 
and  detailed  account  which  it  gives  of  the  life,  government  and  habits  of  the  people" 
at  that  early  day. 

49.  Davis,  J.  D.  A Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Rev.  Joseph  Hardy  Neesima,  LL.D. 

Pp.  156.  New  York,  Revell,  1894. 

Intimate  biography  of  Japan's  great  Christian  educator  and  leader  by  his  associate 
for  many  years. 

50.  Dawson,  M.  M.  The  Ethics  of  Confucius : the  Sayings  of  the  Master  and 

His  Disciples  upon  the  Conduct  of  “The  Superior  Man.”  Pp.  xxi,  322. 
New  York,  Putnam,  1915. 

An  American  litterateur's  collection  of  passages  bearing  upon  seven  main  categories  of 
Confucian  teaching.  Aid  from  Dr.  Ch'en,  a new  school  Confucianist,  gives  it  some 
interest,  but  does  not  correct  a number  of  errors. 

51.  De  Forest,  C.  B.  The  Evolution  of  a Missionary,  a Biography  of  John 

Hyde  De  Forest.  Pp.  309.  New  York,  Revell,  1914. 

Helpful  as  showing  in  biographical  form  the  growth  in  practice  and  theory  of  a fore- 
most missionary  in  Japan;  especially  commended  to  young  Far-Eastern  missionaries. 

52.  De  Groot,  J.  J.  M.  Religion  in  China : Universism,  a Key  to  the  Study 

of  Taoism  and  Confucianism.  Pp.  xv,  327.  New  York,  Putnam,  1912. 

By  one  of  the  most  voluminous  and  scholarly  students  of  Chinese  religion,  professor  of 
Siriology  in  Berlin  University;  unduly  influenced  by  religion  as  seen  in  Southeastern 
China.  The  author  is  an  advocate  of  the  animistic  origin  of  Chinese  religion, 

53.  — The  Religion  of  the  Chinese.  Pp.  vii,  230.  New  York,  Macmillan,  1910. 

The  Hartford-Lamson  Lectures  intended  to  aid  missionary  candidates;  includes  Bud- 
dhism and  Taoism,  in  addition  to  Confucianism.  Authoritative,  but  unsymmetrical. 


130 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


54.  — The  Religious  System  of  China.  Six  vols.  in  progress.  Leyden,  E.  J. 

Brill,  1892. 

Vol.  1,  1892,  Pt.  II.  on  the  Ideas  of  resurrection. — Vol.  Ill,  1901,  on  the  soul  and 
ancestor  worship  and  other  passages  under  “Soul  Tablets”  in  Index. — Vol.  IV,  1901, 
pp.  1-65,  on  “Psychological  Philosophy  of  the  Soul”;  pp.  -136-464,  on  “Retributive 
Justice  Kxercised  by  Spirits.”  These  bear  most  on  the  subject,  though  the  entire 
work  is  the  fullest  thesaurus  of  information  published  with  the  Chinese  text  as  its 
basis. 

55.  — Sectarianism  and  Religious  Persecution  in  China.  Two  vols.  Pp.  viii, 

594.  Amsterdam,  J.  Muller,  1903,  1904. 

Important  discussion  of  the  Chinese  Government’s  attitude  toward  heresies  and  sects, 
including  Christianity.  Authoritative  and  enlightening  on  a theme  little  understood. 

56.  De  Harlez,  C.  Les  Croyances  Religieuses  des  Premiers  Chinois.  Pp.  60. 

1888. 

This  is  reprinted  from  Vol.  XLI  of  the  “Memoires  couronnes  et  autres  Memoires,”  pub- 
lished by  the  Royal  Academy  of  Belgium,  in  1888.  By  “premiers  Chinois,”  he  means 
the  group  of  tribes,  or  “hundred  families,”  who  about  the  twenty-eighth  century  before 
Christ  emigrated  from  Central  Asia  and  settled  on  the  Huang  Ho. 

57.  De  la  Saussaye,  P.  D.  C.  Lehrbuch  der  Religionsgeschichte.  Two  vols., 

third  ed.  Tubingen,  Mohr,  1905. 

A standard  work  of  highest  authority.  Vol.  I contains  an  excellent  outline  of  Chinese 
religions  by  De  Groot,  pp.  57-114,  and  one  by  R.  Lange  on  Japanese  Buddhism  and 
Shintoism,  pp.  115-171. 

58.  De  Premare,  J.  H.  Vestiges  des  Principaux  Dogmes  Chretiens,  Tires 

des  Anciens  Livres  Chinois  avec  Reproduction  des  Textes  Chinois. 
Pp.  XV,  511.  Paris,  Bureau  des  Annales  de  Philosophie  Chretienne,  1878. 

Reprint  of  an  eighteenth  century  Jesuit  missionary’s  often  fanciful,  always  suggestive 
Christian  parallels  to  Confucian  doctrines  and  idea.s.  The  Chinese  texts  of  passages 
quoted  in  translation  are  helpful  to  junior  workers  in  China. 

59.  Doolittle,  J.  Social  Life  of  the  Chinese.  Two  vols.  Pp.  459,  490.  New 

York,  Harper,  1865. 

A standard  work  with  special  values  for  Foochow  and  Tientsin  customs.  Vol.^  I: 
Chs.  VIII,  ancestral  worship;  IX,  priests  of  the  three  religions;  XIV,  state  religion; 
XVI,  competitive  examinations  and  graduates.  Vol.  II:  Chs.  IV,  popular  superstitions; 
XIII,  charms  and  omens;  XIV,  fortune  telling. 

60.  Dore,  H.  Researches  into  Chinese  Superstitions.  First  Part,  Superstitious 

Practices.  Two  vols.  in  progress.  Pp.  xxi,  xv,  228.  Shanghai,  T’usewei 
Printing  Press,  1914. 

Profusely  iHustrated  with  colored  plates,  etc. 

61.  Douglas,  R.  K.  Confucianism  and  Taouism.  Pp.  287.  London,  Society 

for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge,  1900. 

An  excellent  and  comprehensive  treatment  of  the  subject  by  the  author  when  he  was 
professor  of  Chinese  at  King’s  College,  London. 

62.  — Society  in  China.  Pp.  xvi,  415.  London,  Innes  & Co.,  1894. 

Prof.  Douglas’s  reading  and  personal  observation  enable  him  to  give  a trustworthy 
account  of  Chinese  society  of  the  old  regime.  Chs.  VI,  IX  and  especially  XXVI,  on 
religion,  are  most  important. 

63.  Du  Bose,  H.  C.  The  Dragon,  Image  and  Demon : or,  the  Three  Religions 

of  China,  Confucianism,  Buddhism,  and  Taoism,  Giving  an  Account  of 
the  Mythology,  Idolatry,  and  Demonolatry  of  the  Chinese.  Pp.  468. 
New  York,  Armstrong,  1887. 

A confused  but  characteristic  account  of  their  religions  as  heard  from  Chinese;  pro- 
fusely illustrated  with  Chinese  woodcuts. 

64.  — Preaching  in  Sinim,  or  the  Gospel  to  the  Gentiles.  Pp.  241.  Richmond, 

Presbyterian  Committee  of  Publication,  1893. 

Full  of  suggestions  on  this  subject  as  preaching  was  done  in  the  author’s  day.  Chs. 
VI-XII  especially  commended,  particularly  Ch.  XI. 

65.  East  and  the  West  (The).  London.  Society  for  the  Propagation  of 

the  Gospel. 

Vol.  VII,  1909,  pp.  202-217,  Walsh’s  “Nestorian  Missions  in  China.”  Pp.  361-382, 
Archdeacon  Moule’s  “Great  China’s  Greatest  Need.”  Pp.  437-452,  “Message  of  the 
Christian  Church  to  Confucianists,”  by  R.  Allen.  Pp.  453-463,  Mr.  Maclagan’s  “Con- 
fucian Idealism.” — Vol.  VIII.  1910.  pp.  288-298,  C.  T.  Wang’s  reply  to  Archdeacon 
Moule’s  article  noted  under  Vol.  VII. — Vol.  XI,  1913,  pp.  178-186,  Honda’s  “Mis- 
sionary Methods  in  the  Far  East.”  Pp.  413-438,  Mr.  Stanley  Smith’s  “Chinese  Philos- 
ophy and  the  Truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,”  especially  good. — Vol.  XII,  1914,  pp.  383-410, 
Archdeacon  Moule  discusses  the  failure  of  early  Nestorian  and  Roman  Catholic  Mis- 
sions in  China. 


131 


APPENDIX  C 


66.  Eddy,  G.  S.  The  Students  of  Asia.  Pp.  223.  New  York,  Student  Vol- 

unteer Movement,  1916. 

India,  Japan  and  China  are  the  lands  whose  students  the  author  studied  in  connec- 
tion with  his  remarkable  evangelistic  campaigns.  Chs.  Ill,  IV,  discussing  respectively 
Japanese  and  Chinese  students,  and  Ch.  VII,  on  successful  methods  of  student  work, 
especially  commended. 

67.  Edkins,  J.  Religion  in  China.  Pp.  xvi.  London,  Triibner,  1878. 

An  eminent  sinologue’s*  studies  on  imperial  worship,  Ch.  II;  Taoist  notions  of  God, 
Ch.  VIII;  morality  of  the  Chinese,  Ch.  X;  sin  and  redemption,  Ch.  XI;  and  immor- 
tality and  future  judgment,  Ch.  XII. 

68.  Ellinwood,  F.  F.  Oriental  Religions  and  Christianity.  Pp.  xviii,  384.  New 

York,  Scribner,  1892. 

By  a missionary  secretary  and  lecturer  on  Comparative  Religion.  Lectures  I,  “The 
Need  of  Understanding  the  False  Religion,’’  and  VII,  “Traces  of  a Primitive  Mono- 
theism,” have  general  value  for  these  studies. 

69.  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  11th  edition.  Vol.  VI,  1910.  Article  "Confu- 

cius,” pp.  907-912,— Vol.  XVIII,  1911.  Article  “Mencius,”  pp.  112-115. 

These  articles  by  Dr.  Legge  are  concise  and  authoritative. 

70.  Faber,  E.  The  Mind  of  Mencius : or.  Political  Economy  Founded  upon 

Moral  Philosophy.  A Systematic  Digest  of  the  Doctrines  of  the  Chinese 
Philosopher  Mencius.  2nd  edition.  Pp.  xvi,  318.  Shanghai,  Kelly  & 
Walsh,  1897. 

The  best  exposition  in  English  of  the  ethics  of  Confucianism  as  set  forth  by  its  Plato. 
The  25-page  analysis  of  the  system  is  most  illuminating.  A translation  of  the  author’s 
“Eine  Staatslehre  auf  ethischer  Grundlage,  oder  Lehrbegriff  des  Philosophen  Mencius.” 

71.  — The  Principal  Thoughts  of  the  Ancient  Chinese  Socialism : or  the  Doc- 

trine of  the  Philosopher  Micius.  Pp.  72.  Shanghai,  American  Presby- 
terian Mission  Press,  1897. 

Gives  summary  of  leadin.g  ideas  of  Mo  Ti,  whose  philosophy  Mencius  opposed.  First 
translation  into  a European  language  of  a full  summary  of  Micius’  teachings. 

72.  — A Systematical  Digest  of  the  Doctrines  of  Confucius  According  to  the 

Analects,  Great  Learning,  and  Doctrine  of  the  Mean;  with  an  Introduc- 
tion on  the  Authorities  upon  Confucius  and  Confucianism.  Pp.  vi,  137. 
Berlin,  General  Evangelical  Protestant  Missionary  Society  of  Germany, 
1902. 

A classified  collection  of  important  texts  with  independent  translation  and  valuable  in- 
troductions and  added  essays,  by  a German  scholar  of  highest  authority. 

73.  Fairbairn,  A.  M.  The  Philosophy  of  the  Christian  Religion.  Pp.  xxviii, 

583.  New  York,  Macmillan.  1905. 

One  of  the  most  effective  of  volumes  in  this  department.  A mastery  of  it  would  be 
most  helpful  for  every  missionary  v'hosc  life  is  to  be  spent  mainly  with  students 
and  scholars. 

74.  Farjenel,  F.  La  Morale  Chinoise.  Pp.  258.  Paris,  Giard  & Briere,  1906. 

Professor  Farjenel  discusses  primitive  society  in  Ch.  I,  the  ancient  morality  in  Ch.  II, 
Confucius  in  Ch.  Ill,  family  and  social  ethics  in  Ch.  V,  Christianity’s  entrance  into 
China  in  Ch.  IX,  and  the  future  of  Chinese  morals  in  Ch.  XI. 

75.  Fenwick,  M.  C.  The  Church  of  Christ  in  Korea.  Pp.  xi,  134.  New  York, 

Doran,  1911. 

Personal  narrative  of  missionary  work.  "A  plea  for  a return  to  the  missionary 
methods  of  the  early  Christian  Church  and  a convincing  illustration  of  what  may  be 
accomplished  thereby.” 

76.  Forsyth,  R.  C.,  compiler.  Shantung,  the  Sacred  Province  of  China.  Pp. 

viii,  427.  Shanghai,  Christian  Literature  Society,  1912. 

Encyclopaedic  compilation  of  matters  variously  affecting  Missions  in  the  province  of 
Confucius  and  Mencius,  China’s  “Holy  Land”;  especially  valuable  for  Dr.  Bergen’s 
chapter  on  the  Sages  of  Shan-tung. 

77.  Gale,  J.  S.  Korea  in  Transition.  Pp.  xiii,  270.  New  York,  Young  People’s 

Missionary  Movement,  1909. 

A study  class  text-book  of  comprehensive  and  authoritative  character;  highly  com- 
mended as  an  outline, 

78.  — Korean  Sketches.  Pp.  256.  New  York,  Revell,  1898. 

Brightly  written  by  a resident  missionary.  Chs.  IX,  X,  XIII,  on  the  Korean  mind, 
the  Korean  gentleman  and  Missions  most  useful. 

79.  — The  Vanguard.  Pp.  320.  New  York,  Revell,  1904. 

Historical  fiction  effectively  used  to  set  forth  Korean  life  and  missionary  effort — 
missionary  history  in  the  novel  form. 


132 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


80.  Garvie,  A.  E.  A Handbook  of  Christian  Apologetics.  Pp.  xii,  241.  Lon- 

don, Duckworth  & Co.,  1913. 

A combination  work  on  theology  and  apologetics,  containing  discussions  of  the  out- 
standing Christian  teachings  that  would  most  affect  a Confucianist;  by  the  Principal  of 
New  College,  University  of  London,  a well-known  writer  on  such  themes. 

81.  Geden,  A.  S.  Studies  of  the  Religions  of  the  East.  Pp.  xv,  904.  London, 

C.  H.  Kelly,  1913. 

On  pages  618-660  the  author  gives  a general  summary  of  Confucianism,  including  its 
founders,  canon,  teachings,  and  later  Confucianism. 

82.  Gibson,  J.  C.  Mission  Problems  and  Mission  Methods  in  South  China. 

Pp.  334.  New  York,  Revell,  1901. 

One  of  the  foremost  British  missionaries  with  a long  experience  writes  authoritatively 
upon  the  proving  of  the  Gospel,  Lect.  I;  Chinese  literature  and  philosophy,  Lect.  II; 
Confucianism,  Lect.  Ill;  evangelistic  preaching,  Lect.  VI;  culture  of  the  Christian  life, 
Lect.  VIII. 

83.  Gifford,  D.  L.  Every-day  Life  in  Korea.  Pp.  231.  New  York,  Revell, 

1898. 

“A  collection  of  studies  and  stones”  after  eight  years’  work  among  Koreans.  "An- 
cestral Worship  as  Practiced  in  Korea,”  and  “The  Fear  of  Demons,”  Chs.  VI,  VIII, 
especially  appropriate  here. 

84.  Giles,  H.  A.  A Chinese  Biographical  Dictionary.  Pp.  xii,  1022.  London, 

Quaritch,  1898. 

Authoritative  but  the  sketches  are  brief — fuller  than  Mayers' — and  commended  only 
for  readers  having  nothing  fuller.  Nos.  446,  Chu  Hsi;  1043,  Confucius;  1522,  Men- 
cius; 1537,  Mo  Ti;  2224,  Wang  Ehou-jen  (Wang  An-shih),  are  among  those  useful  here. 

85.  — Confucianism  and  Its  Rivals.  Pp.  ix,  271.  New  York,  Scribner,  1915. 

A chronological  exhibit  by  a British  Sinologue  of  Confucianism's  descent  “from  the 
pure  monotheism  of  a personal  God”  to  “the  almost  total  disappearance  of  a Super- 
natural power,”  with  the  effects  of  six  other  religions  upon  its  history.  His  depre- 
ciative  comments  on  Missions  are  not  the  final  word  on  that  movement. 

86.  — History  of  Chinese  Literature.  Pp.  viii,  448.  New  York,  Appleton, 

1909. 

By  the  well-known  professor  of  Chinese  at  Cambridge  University.  Pp.  7-42  contain 
an  excellent  sketch  of  Confucianism’s  canonical  works. 

87.  Giles,  L.  The  Sayings  of  Confucius.  Pp.  132.  London,  J.  Murray,  1912. 

New  translation  of  the  greater  part  of  the  “Confucian  Analects,”  with  introduction 
and  notes  by  a competent  scholar  of  Chinese.  Excerpts  are  arranged  under  eight 
headings. 

88.  Glover,  T.  R.  The  Jesus  of  History.  Pp.  xiii,  225.  New  York,  Associa- 

tion Press,  1917. 

Prepared  by  a Cambridge  University  Lecturer  in  Ancient  History  and  used  by  him 
in  cities  of  India,  Burma,  and  Ceylon,  this  volume  will  aid  in  presenting  Christ  to 
Far-Eastern  students  also. 

89.  Grant,  G.  M.  Religions  of  the  World  in  Relation  to  Christianity.  Pp.  ix, 

137.  New  York,  Revell,  1894. 

Unusually  satisfactory  sketch  of  Confucius  and  his  religion  by  the  Principal  of  Queen’s 
University  in  chapters  3 and  4. 

90.  Gray,  J.  H.  China,  a History  of  the  Laws,  Manners,  and  Customs  of  the 

People.  Two  vols.  Pp.  xv,  397,  xii,  374.  London,  Macmillan,  1878. 

An  authority  of  the  highest  value  upon  various  matters  affecting  the  country;  written 
from  the  South  China  viewpoint.  Chs.  IV,  V,  on  religion  and  idolatry,  especially 
important. 

91.  Griffis,  W.  E.  China’s  Story  in  Myth,  Legend,  Art,  and  Annals.  Pp.  xiii, 

302.  Boston,  Houghton,  1911. 

One  of  the  very  few  interesting  histories  of  China,  written  by  an  excellent  secondary 
authority.  It  extends  from  primeval  times  to  the  recent  Revolution. 

92.  — Corea  the  Hermit  Nation.  Sixth  ed.  Pp.  xxxii,  492,  New  York, 

Scribner,  1897. 

Full  general  account  of  Korea  brought  down  to  1897,  but  fundamentally  a volume 
produced  in  1882  and  hence  valuable  historically  mainly.  Ch.  XXXVII  on  religion, 
and  Chs.  XXXIX-XLI  on  Catholic  missions  commended. 

93.  — The  Religions  of  Japan,  from  the  Dawn  of  History  to  the  Era  of  Meiji. 

Pp.  XX,  457.  New  York,  Scribner,  1895. 

For  some  years  this  was  the  best  book  in  English  on  the  theme.  Its  chapters  on  Chinese 
ethics  in  Japan  and  upon  Confucianism,  with  the  closing  chapters,  are  especially  worthy 
of  attention. 


133 


APPENDIX  C 


94.  Grube,  W.  Religion  und  Kultus  der  Chineses.  Pp.  viii,  200.  Leipzig,  R. 

Haupt,  1910. 

The  accounts  given  in  Ch.  I of  the  old  Chinese  religion,  in  Ch.  II  of  the  Confucian 
State,  and  in  Ch.  V of  the  popular  religion  are  commended. 

95.  Gulick,  S.  L.  The  Evolution  of  the  Japanese,  Social  and  Psychic.  Pp. 

457.  New  York,  Revell,  1903. 

The  fullest  and  most  authoritative  study  of  the  subject  in  English  by  a missionary  of 
many  years’  standing  in  Japan. 

96.  Harada,  T.  The  Faith  of  Japan.  Pp.  xiii,  190.  New  York,  Macmillan, 

1914. 

The  President  of  Doshisha  University  in  these  Hartford-Larason  Lectures  presents 
Japan’s  Faith  not  as  Confucianism,  Shintoism,  Buddhism  and  Christianity,  but  as  a 
blending  of  them  all.  The  brst  of  these  faiths  is  frequently  spoken  of,  but  the  value 
of  the  book  for  our  purposes  is  to  show  the  syncretistic  character  of  religion  in  that 
Empire. 

97.  Hardwick,  C.  Christ  and  Other  Masters.  Two  vols.  Pp.  xvi,  383,  461. 

London,  Macmillan,  1863. 

A summary  statement  of  Confucianism  by  an  earlier  secondary  authority.  Vol.  II, 
Ch.  I,  Section  1,  especially  pertinent. 

98.  Hardy,  A.  S.  Life  and  Letters  of  Joseph  Hardy  Neesima.  Pp.  vi,  350. 

Boston,  Houghton,  1892. 

Prof.  Hardy  as  the  sou  of  Neesima’s  American  benefactor  knew  him  intimately. 
Fullest  life  of  Japan’s  most  representative  Christian  whose  early  Buddhist  and 
later  Christian  experiences  will  help  young  missionaries  to  Japan. 

99.  Hardy,  E.  J.  John  Chinaman  at  Home.  Pp.  335.  London,  Unwin,  1907. 

“Sketches  of  men,  manners  and  things”  in  South  China  mainly.  Chs.  XXV-XXIX 
have  to  do  with  religious  matters  and  beliefs.  “As  the  Chinese  See  Us”  is  a useful 
chapter  for  young  missionaries. 

100.  Hartman,  L.  O.  Popular  Aspects  of  Oriental  Religions.  Pp.  255.  New 

York,  Abingdon  Press,  1917. 

Descriptions  of  Korean  animism  and  Chinese  religions  in  Chs.  I and  II;  by  a traveler, 
not  a specialist. 

101.  Hastings,  J.  and  J.  A.  Selbie,  editors.  Dictionary  of  Christ  and  the  Gos- 

pels. Two  vols.  Edinburgh,  Clark,  1906. 

Vol.  I,  article  “Criticism,”  pp.  383-394,  is  a comprehensive  account  of  this  vital  subject. 

102.  — Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics.  New  York,  Scribner. 

Vol.  I.  1908.  Article  “Apologetics,”  pp.  611-623. — Vol.  II,  1910.  Article  “Atheism,” 
pp.  173-183. — Vol.  Ill,  1911.  Article  “China,”  pp.  549-552;  “Communion  with  the 
Dead,”  pp.  728-732;  “Communion  with  Deity,”  pp.  751-752. — Vol.  IV,  1912.  Articles 
“Confucian  Religion,”  pp.  12-15;  “Confucius,”  pp.  16-19;  “Cosmogony  and  Cosmology 
(Chinese),”  pp.  89-91;  “Maeic  (Chinese),”  pp.  259-262:  “(Japanese),”  pp.  296-300; 
“(Chinese),”  pp.  138-141;  “Death  and  Disposal  of  the  Dead,”  pp.  450-454;  “Demons 
and  Spirits  ((Chinese).”  pp.  576-578. — Vol.  V,  1912.  Articles  “Education  (Chinese),” 
pp.  183-185;  “Ethics  and  Morality,”  pp.  466-468;  “Expiation  and  Atonement  (Chris- 
tian),” pp.  641-650. — Vol.  \T,  1914.  Articles  “Fortune,”  pp.  91-93;  “God  (Chinese),” 
pp.  272-274. — Vol.  VII.  1915.  Articles  “Immortalily,”  pp.  172-179;  “Japan,  III,  Ethical 
Development,”  pp.  485-489;  “Jesus  Christ,”  pp.  505-551. — Vol.  VIII,  1916.  Articles 
“Life  and  Death  (Chinese),”  pp.  14-16;  “(Japanese),”  pp.  37-39;  “Literature  Mate- 
rialism (Chinese),”  tip.  492-493;  “Mencius,”  pp.  547-549;  “Micius,”  pp.  623-624; 
“Miracles,”  pp.  676-690. 

103.  Heigl,  F.  Die  Religion  und  Kultur  Chinas.  Pp.  viii,  679.  Berlin.  Hugo 

Bermiihler  Verlag,  1900. 

Part  I deals  with  the  State  Religion.  Sections  on  Shang  Ti,  spirits,  the  Five  Rela- 
tions, sacrifice,  the  life  of  Confucius  and  the  history  of  Confucianism  are  most  useful. 

104.  Henke,  F.  G.  The  Philosophy  of  Wang  Yang-ming.  Pp.  xvii,  512.  Chi- 

cago, Open  Court  Publishing  Co.,  1916. 

A translation  from  the  Chinese  of  Vol.  I of  Wang’s  collected  works;  valuable  because 

of  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  is  held  by  the  New  Chinese  and  by  Japanese  Confu- 

cianists.  The  Biography  and  Book  I especially  commended. 

105.  Henry,  B.  C.  The  Cross  and  the  Dragon.  Pp.  xxvi,  483.  New  York, 

Randolph,  1885. 

.\n  excellent  South  China  view  of  the  country  and  Missions  thirty  years  ago.  Chs. 
Ill,  IV,  VII,  XII  are  those  most  useful. 

106.  Hirth,  F.  The  Ancient  History  of  China  to  the  End  of  the  Chou  Dynasty. 

Pp.  XX,  383.  New  York,  Columbia  University  Press,  1911. 

A German-.\merican  professor’s  extremely  valuable  summary  of  the  mythical  and  his- 
torical periods  which  influenced  Confucius  most  and  in  the  latter  one  of  which  he 
flourished  and  passed  on  his  work  to  Mencius  and  others.  Chs.  II-IV,  VII,  VIII,  are 
valuable  for  these  studies. 


134 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


107.  Holcombe,  C.  The  Real  Chinaman.  Pp.  xx,  350.  New  York,  Dodd,  Mead 

& Co.,  1895. 

By  an  author  long  resident  in  China  as  missionary  and  diplomat.  The  chapters  on 
religions  and  superstitions  are  helpful. 

108.  Hua  Ying  Chu  Shu  Chi  Shu  Ching  Ho  Pien.  Chinese  English  Combined 

Bamboo  Annals  and  Canon  of  History  (Shu  Ching).  Pp.  350.  Shanghai, 
Shu  Chu,  1904. 

Reprint  through  photo  processes  of  the  Chinese  text,  translation  and  exegetical  notes 
of  Dr.  Legge’s  Chinese  Classics,  Vol.  Ill,  Parts  1 and  II.  It  includes  the  Annals  of 
the  Bamboo  Books  and  the  Canon  of  History  without  the  prolegomena  and  valuable 
indexes. 

109.  Hulbert,  H.  B.  The  History  of  Korea.  Two  vols.  Pp.  vii,  409,  374,  31. 

Seoul,  Methodist  Publishing  House,  1905. 

Best  history  of  Korea  in  English  by  a resident  missionary;  extends  from  2257  B.C.  to 
1904  A.D. 

110.  — The  Passing  of  Korea.  Pp.  xii,  473.  New  York,  Doubleday,  Page  & 

Co.,  1906. 

A de  luxe  volume  written  from  the  missionary  and  pro-Korean  viewpoint.  The  Intro- 
duction and  Chs.  II,  VI,  VIII,  XXX  and  XXXV  especially  useful. 

111.  Illingworth,  J.  R.  Gospel  Miracles.  Pp.  xvii,  213.  New  York,  Macmillan, 

1915. 

“As  college  tutor  and  Bampton  Lecturer  alike.  Dr.  Illingworth  instantly  claimed  and 
has  always  easily  held  the  attention  of  thoughtful  men.”  For  workers  in  Japan  this 
would  be  especially  helpful. 

112.  International  Review  of  Missions.  1912 — in  progress.  Edinburgh. 

The  foremost  missionary  periodical  in  any  language  and  invaluable  for  the  missionary. 
Its  files  have  many  helpful  articles  on  the  Far  East. 

113.  Japan  Evangelist.  Tokyo,  Methodist  Publishing  House.  In  progress. 

The  foremost  missionary  periodical  of  the  Empire.  Invaluable  for  the  candidate 
expecting  to  work  in  Japan,  as  well  as  for  missionaries  there. 

114.  Jenks,  J.  W.  Political  and  Social  Significance  of  the  Life  and  Teachings 

of  Jesus.  Pp.  xviii,  168.  New  York,  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Press,  1906. 

In  the  form  of  Bible  readings  with  comments  and  questions;  prepared  for  American 
students’  use  in  voluntary  Bible  classes. 

115.  Jennings,  W.  The  Shi  King,  the  Old  “Poetry  Classic”  of  the  Chinese. 

A Close  Metrical  Translation,  with  Annotations.  Pp.  383.  London, 
Routledge,  1891. 

Based  upon  a study  of  the  original  texts  and  aided  by  standard  Chinese  commentaries. 
Contains  less  of  paraphrase  than  Dr.  Legge’s  and  hence  deserves  the  name  of  a “close” 
translation. 

116.  Johnson,  S.  Oriental  Religions  . . . China.  Pp.  xxiv,  975.  Boston, 

Osgood  & Co.,  1877.  [Houghton.] 

philosophical,  careful,  elaborate  but  secondary  account  of  China’s  elements,  struc- 
tures, sages  and  beliefs. 

117.  Journal  of  the  China  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.  Shanghai,  Kelly 

& Walsh. 

In  Vol.  XXXI,  1903-04,  pp.  65-75,  Dr.  Ferguson  gives  a very  good  account  of  Wang 
.•\n-shih,  the  eleventh  century  social  reformer. 

118.  Journal  of  the  North  China  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.  Shang- 

hai, Kelly  & Walsh. 

In  Vol.  XLIV,  1913,  pp.  11-45,  U.  S.  Charge  d’Affaires  E.  T.  Williams  supplies  a 
notable  well-illustrated  account  of  China’s  State  Religion  during  the  Manchu  Dynasty. 
See  also  Dr.  Henke’s  “A  Study  in  the  Life  and  Philosophy  of  Wang  Yang-ming,” 
pp.  46-64. 

119.  Kato,  K.  The  Psychology  of  Oriental  Religious  Experience.  Pp.  102. 

Menasha,  Wis.,  Banta  Publishing  Co.,  1915. 

A study  of  the  typical  experiences  of  thirty-five  Tajianese  converts.  As  eighteen  of 
these  were  students  and  all  were  scholars — though  few  were  Confucianists — this  is  a 
book  of  great  value  for  workers  in  Japan. 

120.  King,  H.  C.  The  Ethics  of  Jesus.  Pp.  xii,  293.  New  York, 'Macmillan, 

1910. 

A modern  scholar’s  exposition  of  Jesus’  ethical  teachings  as  found  in  the  Synoptic 
(lospcls,  with  emphasis  upon  Schmiedel’s  “Foundation-Pillars”  and  “The  Sermon  on 
the  Mount.” 


135 


APPENDIX  C 


121.  — Letters  on  the  Greatness  and  Simplicity  of  the  Christian  Faith.  Pp. 

199.  Boston,  Pilgrim  Press,  1910. 

Familiar,  pointed  letters  to  Sunday-school  teachers  intended  to  suggest  how  to  present 
Christianity  simply  to  their  scholars  and  others.  Letters  III,  VI,  XI  and  XII  will 
probably  aid  Far-Eastern  inquirers  most. 

122.  Knox,  G.  W.  The  Development  of  Religion  in  Japan.  Pp.  xxi,  204.  New 

York,  Putnam,  1907. 

Excellent  throughout,  but  the  last  two  lectures  on  "Confucianism  as  Polity  and  Ethics, 
Ethical  Religion,"  and  “Confucianism  as  a World  System.  Ethical  Religion,"  are 
worthy  of  special  reading. 

123.  — The  Direct  and  Fundamental  Proofs  of  the  Christian  Religion.  Pp. 

ix,  196.  New  York,  Scribners,  1903. 

This  “essay  on  comparative  apologetics"  is  by  a professor  of  the  history  and  philosophy 
of  religion  at  Union  Seminary.  The  last  four  chapters  especially  commended. 

124.  — Japanese  Life  in  Town  and  Country.  Pp.  xii,  275.  New  York,  Putnam, 

1904. 

A delightfully  written  general  view  of  everyday  Japan  with  a few  chapters  of  special 
value  for  Confucianism.  The  author  was  an  eminent  missionary  in  Japan. 

125.  — A Japanese  Philosopher  and  Other  Papers  upon  the  Chinese  Philosophy 

in  Japan.  With  Notes  by  T.  Haga,  Esq.,  and  Prof.  T.  Inoue,  Ph.D.  Pp. 
iv,  192.  Yokohama,  Meiklejohn  & Co.,  1892. 

Translation  with  notes  of  the  Miscellany  of  Kyuso,  an  eminent  Confucian  scholar  of 
the  18th  century.  Condensed  from  the  original,  but  retaining  enough  to  show  the 
ruling  ideas  and  spirit  of  the  Chinese  Philosophy  in  Japan. 

126.  — The  Spirit  of  the  Orient.  Pp.  xviii,  312.  New  York,  Crowell,  1906. 

His  chapters  on  the  spirit  and  problems  of  China,  Ch.  VI,  and  of  Japan,  Ch.  VIII,  are 
intimate  and  discriminating. 

127.  Korea  Magazine.  Seoul,  1917 — in  progress. 

The  viewpoint  is  missionary  and  its  promise  is  good. 

128.  Korea  Review.  Seoul,  1901. 

Series  of  articles  on  “The  Korean  Mudang  and  Pansu”  in  the  volume  for  1903  very 
informing. 

129.  Korean  Repository.  Seoul,  Trilingual  Press,  1894-99. 

In  Vol.  II  for  1895  a good  article  on  “Obstacles  Encountered  by  Korean  Christians,” 
pp.  145-151;  pp.  401-404,  on  “Confucianism  in  Korea”;  pp.  471-474,  on  “Rise  of  the 
Yangban.” 

130.  Kranz,  P.  Christianity  the  Completion  of  Confucianism.  Pp.  12.  Shang- 

hai, Presbyterian  Press,  n.  d. 

A translation  of  a Wen-li  tract,  published  in  1896,  showin.g  that  Christianity  preserves 
the  good  in  Confucianism,  corrects  its  errors,  and  supplies  its  insufficiencies. 

131.  Ku,  Hung-ming.  The  Conduct  of  Life.  ...  A translation  of  . . . the 

Doctrine  of  the  Mean.  Pp.  60.  New  York,  Dutton,  1912. 

A convenient  but  liberal  paraphrase  of  the  philosophy  of  Confucius  and  his  grandson, 
with  occasional  parallels  from  Occidental  writers. 

132.  — The  Discourses  and  Sayings  of  Confucius.  A new  Special  Translation, 

Illustrated  with  Quotations  from  Goethe  and  Other  Writers.  Pp.  xii, 
182.  Shanghai,  Kelly  & Walsh. 

-An  attempt  to  present  to  English  readers  Confucius  and  the  .Analects  in  a modern  ^arb, 
eliminating  most  prooer  names  and  so  paraphrasing  it  that  it  is  partly  Occidentalized. 
Author  has  an  EdinSurgh  M..A. 

133.  Kudo,  T.  The  Ethics  of  Confucius.  Pp.  xxvi,  68.  Tokyo,  Methodist 

Publishing  House,  1904. 

A Japanese  student’s  view  of  Confucianism’s  leading  teachings,  preceded  by  a concise 
introduction. 

134.  Ladd,  G.  T.  In  Korea  with  Marquis  Ito.  Pp.  xiii,  477.  New  York, 

Scribner,  1908. 

Written  in  part  from  the  pro-Japanese  viewpoint  as  an  apology  for  Korean  occupation, 
by  the  guest  of  Ito.  Ch.  XVII,  “Missions  and  Missionaries,”  suffers  in  consequence, 
as  does  the  Korean  himself. 

135.  Latourette,  K.  S.  The  Development  of  China.  Pp.  xii,  274.  Boston, 

Houghton,  1917. 

Excellent  historical  outline  by  a former  missionary  in  China,  now  professor  of  history 
in  America.  It  brings  the  history  down  to  1916  with  emphasis  of  the  formative 
elements  of  the  last  decades. 


136 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


136.  Leblois,  L.  Les  Bibles  et  les  Initiateurs  Religieux  de  THumanite.  Bk. 

Ill,  Vol.  II,  Paris,  Fischbacher,  1885-1898.  Four  vols. 

Selections  from  the  Sacred  Books  of  various  nations,  translated  into  French;  it  also 
has  chapters  of  a general  character  that  are  of  value. 

137.  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Religions.  Vol.  I,  Second  Lecture.  The  Re- 

ligion of  China.  By  L.  Wieger,  S.J.  Pp.  32  in  this  lecture.  St.  Louis, 
B.  Herder,  1910. 

-An  excellent  sketch  of  religious  development  of  various  religions,  but  mainly  Confu- 
cianism, by  a competent  Jesuit  missionary. 

138.  Le  Favre,  J.  De  Sinensium  Ritibus  Politicis  Acta.  . . . Dissertatio 

Theologico-Historica  de  avita  Sinarum  pietate  praesertim  erga  de- 
functos  et  eximia  erga  Confucium  magistrum  suum  observantia.  Pp. 
xii,  472.  Paris,  Nicolaus  Pepie,  1700. 

A Jesuit  missionary  to  China  controverts  the  Dominican  P.  Navaretta,  by  defending 
the  Jesuit  position  favorable  to  Chinese  worship  of  ancestral  spirits  and  of  Confucius. 
V^ery  detailed  in  his  description  of  this  worship  and  in  his  assertions  that  it  is  civil 
and  not  religious. 

139.  Legge,  H.  E.  James  Legge,  Missionary  and  Scholar.  Pp.  viii,  248.  Lon- 

don, Religious  Tract  Society,  1905. 

His  daughter’s  biography  shows  in  Ch.  IV  this  peat  Sinologue’s  estimate  of  the  Con- 
fucian  Classics  and  in  Ch.  VI  states  concisely  his  position  on  the  Term  Question. 

140.  Legge,  J.  The  Chinese  Classics  Translated  into  English  with  Preliminary 

Essays  and  Explanatory  Notes.  Vol.  I.  The  Life  and  Teachings  of 
Confucius.  8th  edition.  Pp.  vi,  337.  London,  Paul,  1909. 

Reproduced  for  general  readers  from  the  author’s  work  containing  the  Chinese  text — 
the  “authorized  version” — so  to  speak.  Its  introductions,  full  indexes  and  notes  to 
the  translations  supply  the  best  book  for  English  readers  of  the  Analects,  Great  Learn- 
ing and  Doctrine  of  the  Mean. 

— The  Chinese  Classics,  with  [Chinese  Text],  Translation,  Critical  and 
Exegetical  Notes,  Prolegomena,  and  Copious  Indexes. 

141.  Vol.  I,  containing  Confucian  Analects,  the  Great  Learning,  and  the  Doc- 

trine of  the  Mean.  2nd  edition,  revised.  Pp.  xv,  503.  Oxford,  Claren- 
don Press,  1893. 

142.  Vol.  II,  containing  the  Works  of  Mencius.  2nd  edition,  revised.  Pp.  viii, 

587.  Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1895. 

143.  Vol.  Ill,  Parts  I and  II.  The  Shoo-King  [Book  of  History].  Two  vols. 

Pp.  xii,  208,  735.  London,  Triibner,  1865. 

144.  Vol.  IV,  Parts  I and  H.  The  She  King,  or  the  Book  of  Poetry.  Two 

vols.  Pp.  xii,  785.  London,  Triibner,  1871. 

145.  Vol.  V,  Parts  I and  H.  The  Ch’un  Ts’ew  [Spring  and  Autumn  Annals] 

with  the  Tso  Chuen.  Two  vols.  Pp.  x,  933.  London,  Henry  Frowde, 
1872. 

The  foregoing  five  volumes,  bound  as  eieht,  include  all  of  the  Four  Books  and  Five 
Classics  except  the  Yi  King,  or  Book  of  Changes,  and  the  Li  Ki,  or  Book  of  Rites. 
Those  appear  in  translation  in  Muller’s  Sacred  Books  of  the  East  Series,  Vol.  XVI  and 
Vols.  XXVII  and  XXVIII  respectively.  This  is  the  most  desirable  version  for  those 
reading  the  Chinese  text;  and  its  lives  of  Confucius  and  Mencius  in  V’ols.  I and  II 
are  the  best  in  English.  Their  dictionary-indexes  are  excellent  Chinese  vocabularies  as 
well  as  brief  concordances.  The  full  notes  follow  the  commentar;.-  of  Chu  Hsi  in  the 
main  and  hence  give  the  orthodox  Confucian  views.  The  Four  Books  and  the  Book 
of  History  have  been  reprinted  by  the  photographic  process  and  are  noticed  under 
Numbers  108  and  249  of  this  Bibliography. 

146.  — The  Life  and  Works  of  Mencius,  with  Essays  and  Notes.  Pp.  viii,  402. 

London,  Triibner,  1875. 

Reproduced  with  fresh  translation  from  the  author’s  work  containing  the  Chinese  text; 
standard  and  best  for  English  readers.  Preliminary  essays,  notes  and  indexes  most 
helpful. 

147.  — The  Religions  of  China:  Confucianism  and  Taoism  Described  and 

Compared  with  Christianity.  Pp.  xi,  308.  New  York,  Scribner,  1881. 

Comprehensive  and  authoritative;  especially  commended. 

148.  — The  She  King:  or,  the  Book  of  Ancient  Poetry.  Translated  in  English 

Verse,  with  Essays  and  Notes.  Pp.  vi,  431.  London,  Triibner,  1876. 

The  prolegomena,  notes  and  indexes  make  it  most  desirable;  its  versification  by  another 
hand  makes  it  less  authoritative  than  the  prose  of  sections  of  it  rendered  in  the  Sacred 
Books  of  the  East  Series.  Yet  as  the  S.  B.  E.  version  contains  only  the  religious 
odes,  this  gives  a bro.ider  view  of  Chinese  life. 

137 


APPENDIX  C 


149.  Leong,  Y.  K.  and  L.  K.  Tao.  Village  and  Town  Life  in  China.  Pp.  xi, 

155.  1915. 

A social  exposition  of  Chinese  life,  the  religious  side  of  which  is  treated  under  the 
heads  of  the  ancestral  hall  and  the  village  temple. 

150.  Lloyd,  A.  Every-day  Japan,  Written  after  Twenty-five  Years’  Residence 

and  Work  in  the  Country.  Pp.  xvi,  381.  London,  Cassell,  1909. 

Brightly  written  sketches,  two  of  which  on  Japanese  characteristics  are  especially 
commended,  chs.  62  and  63. 

151.  Lombard,  F.  A.  Pre-Meiji  Education  in  Japan.  Pp.  vi,  271.  Tokyo, 

Kiyo  Bun  Kwan,  1913. 

“A  study  of  Japanese  education  previous  to  the  Restoration  of  1868”  by  a professor 
in  Kyoto.  Very  valuable  for  missionaries  who  teach  or  deal  with  the  educated  classes. 

152.  Longford,  J.  H.  The  Story  of  Korea.  Pp.  vii,  400.  London,  Unwin,  1911. 

By  a King’s  College  professor,  formerly  consul  at  Nagasaki.  Mainly  a history  from 
early  times  to  1910,  with  two  chapters  on  Christianity  in  Korea. 

153.  Lowell,  P.  Choson,  the  Land  of  the  Morning  Calm.  Pp.  x,  412.  Boston, 

Ticknor  [Houghton],  1885. 

Written  by  a member  of  the  Korean  Special  Mission  to  the  United  States  in  1883, 
and  later  a guest  of  the  Korean  Emperor  for  some  months.  Chs.  XIX,  XX,  on  religion, 
are  useful. 

154.  M’Clatchie,  T.  Confucian  Cosmogony:  A Translation  of  Section  Forty- 

nine  of  the  “Complete  Works”  of  the  Philosopher  Choo-foo-tze,  with 
Explanatory  Notes.  Pp.  xviii,  162.  Shanghai,  American  Presbyterian 
Press,  1874. 

Its  introduction,  Chinese  text  and  most  helpful  explanatory  notes  make  it  of  prime 
value  for  students  reading  Chinese. 

155.  — A Translation  of  the  Confucian  [I  Ching],  or  the  “Classic  of  Change,” 

with  Notes  and  Appendix.  Pp.  xiii,  xvii,  456.  Shanghai,  American 
Presbyterian  Mission  Press,  1876. 

This  scholarly  work  contains  the  Chinese  text  with  translation,  footnotes  and  valuable 
notes  in  the  Appendix.  Book  III  contains  the  so-called  Commentary  of  Confucius 
which  is  of  interest.  The  introduction  is  especially  useful. 

156.  MacGillivray,  D.,  editor.  A Century  of  Protestant  Missions  in  China 

(1807-1907).  Pp.  vii,  677,  xl,  52.  New  York,  American  Tract  Society, 
1907. 

The  fullest  history  up  to  1907;  .arranged  according  to  Societies.  Difficult  to  get  a 
.general  view  of  the  work  of  missions  by  such  a method. 

157.  Macgowan.  J.  The  Imperial  History  of  China.  2nd  ed.  Pp.  xi,  651. 

Shanghai,  American  Presbyterian  Press,  1906. 

A compilation  from  good  sources — some  of  them  secondary — of  events  from  mythical 
times  to  the  Russo-Japanese  War.  Chs.  VI.  VII,  XXXIV  are  most  to  the  point. 

158.  — Men  and  Manners  of  Modern  China.  Pp.  351.  New  York,  Dodd, 

Mead  & Co.,  1912. 

A South  China  view  by  a veteran  missionary.  Chs.  IV,  “Literary  Degrees”;  V, 
the  “Classics”;  VII,  “Ancestor  Worship,”  are  useful. 

159.  Mannix,  W.  F.  Memoirs  of  Li  Hung  Chang.  Pp.  xxvii,  298.  Boston, 

1913. 

Purporting  to  be  abstracts  from  writings  of  China’s  greatest  statesman  of  the  last 
century.  Viceroy  Li’s  attitude  toward  Christianity,  beginning  with  hatred  of  Christians 
and  ending  with  an  admission  that  be  would  be  one  himself  if  living  in  America  or 
in  Europe,  is  interestingly  set  forth.  While  of  dubious  historicity,  the  book  has 
its  high  values  as  being  a more  or  less  faithful  picture  of  the  man  .and  a revealer  of 
his  views  and  character.  See  pp.  31-34  of  J.  O.  P.  Bland’s  “Li  Hung-chang,”  New 
York,  Henry  Holt,  1917,  published  too  late  to  be  entered  in  this  Bibliography. 

160.  Martin,  W.  A.  P.  Hanlin  Papers.  Second  Series.  Pp.  xiii,  427.  Shang- 

hai, Kelly  & Walsh,  1894. 

Ch.  VII,  “Notes  on  the  Confucian  .Apocrypha,”  Ch.  X,  “Chinese  Ideas  on  the  Inspira- 
tion of  Their  Sacred  Books,”  and  Ch.  XIV,  “The  Worship  of  Ancestors”  are  the 
studies  of  a Sinologue,  educator  and  missionary. 

161.  — The  Lore  of  Cathay,  or,  the  Intellect  of  China.  Pp.  480.  New  York, 

Revell,  1901. 

A volume  of  very  great  value,  especially  for  those  working  with  Chinese  of  the  old 
Confucian  regime. 


138 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


162.  Matthews,  S.  The  Social  Teachings  of  Jesus.  Pp.  vi,  235.  New  York, 

Macmillan,  1897. 

A modern  discussion  of  man,  society,  the  family,  state,  wealth,  social  life,  forces  of 
human  progress,  and  the  process  of  human  regeneration  as  brought  out  mainly  in  the 
Gospels,  with  Scripture  references  and  foot-notes. 

163.  Mayers,  W.  F.  Chinese  Readers’  Manual.  Pp.  xvi,  444.  Shanghai,  Amer- 

ican Presbyterian  Press,  1910. 

Authoritative  book  of  reference,  but  its  notices  are  too  brief.  Nos.  79,  319,  and  494 
give  sketches  of  Chu  Hsi,  Confucius  and  Mencius,  respectively. 

164.  Meadows,  T.  T.  The  Chinese  and  Their  Rebellions,  Viewed  in  Connec- 

tion with  Their  National  Philosophy,  Ethics,  Legislation,  and  Adminis- 
tration. Pp.  lx,  656.  London,  Smith,  Elder  & Co.,  1856. 

Not  late  enough  to  deal  fully  with  the  T‘ai  P'ing  Rebellion,  but  excellent  as  far  as  it 
goes.  Valuable  for  Ch.  XVIII  on  the  philosophy  and  morality  of  the  Chinese  and 
for  contrast  of  Christian  and  Confucian  civilizations,  pp.  571-638. 

165.  The  Monist.  Chicago.  In  progress. 

An  article  on  “Wang  Yang-ming,  a Chinese  Idealist,”  pp.  17-34  of  Vol.  XXIV,  1914, 
gives  an  excellent  idea  of  this  famous  Confucianist. 

166.  Montgomery,  H.  H.,  editor.  Mankind  and  the  Church.  Pp.  xlviii,  398. 

London,  Longmans,  1907. 

“An  attempt  to  estimate  the  contribution  of  great  races  to  the  fulness  of  the  Church 
of  God.”  Written  by  seven  Anglican  bishops,  including  those  in  charge  of  Japan 
and  China.  Very  suggestive.  See  chs.  3 and  4. 

167.  Moore,  G.  F.  History  of  Religions.  Vol.  I.  Pp.  xiv,  637.  New  York, 

Scribner,  1914. 

The  five  opening  chapters  deal  with  Chinese  religions,  though  the  first  two  are  the 
only  ones  of  importance  here.  A comprehensive  statement  by  a secondary  authority. 

168.  Moule,  A.  E.  The  Chinese  People.  Pp.  469.  London,  S.  P.  C.  K.,  1914. 

By  a veteran  English  missionary.  Useful  but  brief  chapters  are  IV,  on  China’s 
religious  thought,  religious  practices,  and  VI,  its  sages. 

169.  — Half  a Century  in  China.  Pp.  xii,  343.  London,  Hodder,  1911. 

Chapters  IX  and  X,  especially  the  former  on  the  presentation  of  the  missionary 
message,  are  of  importance. 

170.  Moule,  G.  The  Spirit  of  Japan.  Pp.  xii,  312.  London,  United  Council 

for  Missionary  Education,  1913. 

A study  text-book  for  young  people  by  a missionary  of  more  than  ten  years’  experience 
in  Japan.  He  holds  that  history ’and  religion  have  played  an  important  part  in  forming 
the  Japan  spirit,  but  makes  too  little  of  Confucianism’s  part  in  that  spirit. 

171.  Miiller,  F.  M.  editor.  J.  Legge.  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  East.  Vol. 

HI,  Part  I,  the  Shu  King  [Canon  of  History],  The  Religious  Por- 
tions of  the  Shih  King  [Canon  of  Odes],  The  Hsiao  King  [Canon  of 
Filial  Piety].  Pp.  xxx,  492.  Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1879. 

172.  — The  Sacred  Books  of  the  East.  Vol.  XVI,  Part  II.  The  Yi  King 

[Canon  of  Changes].  Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1882. 

173.  — The  Sacred  Books  of  the  East. — The  Sacred  Books  of  China,  the  Texts 

of  Confucianism.  Vol.  XXVII,  Part  HI,  the  Li  Ki,  I-X.  [Book  of 

Rites.]  Pp.  xiv,  484.  Vol.  XXVHI,  Part  IV,  the  Li  Ki.  [Book  of 

Rites.]  XI-XLVI.  Pp.  viii,  496.  Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1885. 

The  toregoing  five  volumes  provide  the  English  reader  with  Dr.  Legge*s  revised 
translation  of  four  of  the  Five  Classics  and  also  of  the  semi-canonical  Canon  of  Filial 
Piety.  The  introductions  and  notes  are  sufficiently  full  for  all  except  scholarly  readers 
who  know  the  Chinese.  For  them  Nos.  143,  144,  155  are  superior.  See  also,  the 
Index  volume,  L,  under  “Confucianism”  and  “Confucius.” 

174.  Munzinger,  C.  Die  Japaner.  Pp.  417.  Berlin,  A.  Haack,  1898. 

Studies  and  picturings  of  the  intellectual,  social  and  religious  life  of  the  Japanese 
people,  by  one  who  as  teacher  of  philosophy  and  theology  was  close  to  the  soul  of  the 
nation. 

175.  Nevius,  J.  L.  China  and  the  Chinese.  Pp.  452.  Philadelphia,  Presby- 

terian Board  of  Publication,  1882. 

An  admirable  early  account  with  emphasis  on  its  people,  religious  and  social  institu- 
tions and  Mi.ssions.  Chs.  VI-XIII  especially  helpful  for  the  study  of  Chinese  religions. 

176.  — Methods  of  Mission  Work.  Pp.  96.  New  York,  Foreign  Mission 

Library,  1895. 

These  methods  were  not  widely  successful  in  China,  where  the  author  labored,  but 
were  wondrously  so  in  Korea. 


139 


APPENDIX  C 


177.  Nitobe,  I.  Bushido,  the  Soul  of  Japan:  An  Exposition  of  Japanese 

Thought.  Pp.  XXV,  203.  New  York,  Putnam,  1905. 

Professor  Nitobe,  of  Kyoto  University,  gives  from  a Christian  point  of  view  the  spirit 
of  the  feudalism  of  his  youthful  days,  and  as  Bushido  means  Warrior-scholar  Way 
which  was  very  largely  Confucian,  it  interprets  that  system  as  it  obtained  until  a few 
decades  ago.  Most  readable  and  suggestive 

178.  — The  Japanese  Nation:  Its  Land,  Its  People,  and  Its  Life,  with  Special 

Consideration  to  Its  Relations  with  the  United  States.  Pp.  xiv,  334. 
New  York,  Putnam,  1912. 

While  Professor  Nitobe’s  main  objective  is  irenic,  the  chapters  on  race  and  national 
characterisics,  religious  beliefs  and  morals  and  moral  ideals  are  very  helpful  in  these 
studies. 

179.  Okakura,  Y.  The  Japanese  Spirit.  Pp.  132.  London,  Constable,  1909. 

In  the  author’s  pages  on  the  place  of  religion  in  forming  the  Japanese  spirit,  he  empha- 
sizes the  influence  of  Chu  Hsi’s  view  of  Confucianism.  It  is  too  concise  to  be  valuable 
for  advanced  students^  but  its  Confucian  references  and  hints  as  to  Japanese  character 
make  it  worth  reading. 

180.  Okuma,  Count  S.,  editor.  Fifty  Years  of  New  Japan.  Two  vols.  Vol. 

II.  Pp.  616.  London,  Smith,  Elder  & Co.,  1909. 

The  chapters  on  religious  beliefs,  especially  that  on  Confucianism,  by  Professor  Inouye 
are  illuminating  and  authoritative. 

181.  Olds,  W.  G.  The  Shu  King.  Pp.  xiii,  306.  New  York,  John  Lane,  1904. 

A translation  with  notes  and  with  very  limited  introductory  material.  In  matters  of 
doubtful  reference,  he  follows  Robert  Morrison! 

182.  Orelli,  C.  von.  Allgemeine  Religionsgeschichte.  Two  vols.  Bonn,  A.  M. 

& E.  Weber,  1911-1913. 

Pages  30-89  of  Vol.  I have  a very  good  summary  of  Chinese  religion  from  the  ancient 
period  to  the  present,  of  which  pages  45-59  and  65-75  are  most  useful,  especially  the 
latter  pages. 

183.  Parker,  E.  H.  Ancient  China  Simplified.  Pp.  xxxi,  332.  London,  Chap- 

man & Hall,  1908. 

An  authoritative  melange  of  ancient  Chinese  material  of  which  the  chapters  on  religion 
and  Confucius  are  most  important  here. 

184.  — China  and  Religion.  Pp.  xxvii,  317.  New  York,  Dutton,  1905. 

By  a long-time  resident  of  China,  professor  of  Chinese  at  Manchester.  Historically 
valuable,  and  gives  unusual  points  of  views;  sketchy. 

185.  — Studies  in  Chinese  Religion.  Pp.  xi,  308.  London,  Chapman  & Hall, 

1910. 

The  original  studies  of  which  “China  and  Religion”  is  a more  popular  summary.  Part 
I,  on  the  old  Chinese  spiritual  life,  and  Part  III,  on  Confucianism,  are  in  point. 

186.  Pauthier,  G.  Les  Livres  Sacres  de  L’Orient.  Pp.  xxx,  764.  Paris,  Societe 

du  Pantheon  Literaire,  1843. 

Translations  and  discussions  of  the  “Book  of  History”  and  the  “Four  Books,”  with  re- 
ligious books  of  other  races.  Pages  13-43  contain  an  account  of  the  period  anterior  to 
the  Book  of  History  by  Father  Premare,  an  eminent  early  scholar. 

187.  Peabody,  F.  G.  Jesus  and  the  Social  Question.  Pp.  vii,  374.  New  York, 

Macmillan,  1900. 

A very  satisfactory  discussion  of  Jesus*  teaching  arranged  under  headings  familiar  to 
Confucianists. 

188.  — Jesus  Christ  and  Christian  Character.  Pp.  304.  New  York,  Macmillan, 
1908. 

One  of  the  best  recent  works  on  this  subjeet;  more  helpful  to  moderns  than  Foster’s 
“Essay  on  Decision  of  Character.” 

189.  Pieters,  A.  Mission  Problems  in  Japan.  Pp.  188.  New  York,  Reformed 

Church  Board  of  Publication,  1912. 

“A  historical  presentation  of  the  development  of  these  problems  by  one  who  has  had 
a personal  and  a controlling  share  in  the  issues.** 

190.  Plathe,  J.  H.  Die  Religion  und  der  Cultus  der  alten  Chinesen.  Pp.  iv,  274 

with  67  pp.  of  Chinese  text.  Munich,  Verlag  der  k.  Akademie. 

Discussion  by  an  earlv  sinologue  of  tbe  ancient  religion  and  worship.  Part  I,  pp.  19-67, 
on  God,  spirits  and  Tiuman  souls,  an~3  Part  II,  especially  pp.  13-19,  on  the  idea  of 
sacrifice,  are  commended. 

191.  Pott,  F.  L.  Hawks.  The  Emergency  in  China.  Pp.  xii,  309.  New  York, 

Missionary  Education  Movement,  1913. 

President  Pott  gives  a view  of  the  results  of  the  Recent  Revolution  for  two  years, 
prefacing  it  by  a historical  review  of  China’s  international  relations  and  following  it 
with  a chapter  on  the  present  and  future  of  the  Christian  Church  in  China. 


140 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


192.  Present  Day  Tracts  on  the  Non-Christian  Religions  of  the  World.  London, 

Religious  Tract  Society,  n.  d. 

Discussions  by  recognized  authorities,  Confucianism  being  by  Dr.  Legge. 

193.  Proceedings  of  the  General  Conference  of  the  Protestant  Missionaries  in 

Japan.  Osaka.  1883.  Pp.  xviii,  468.  Yokohama,  Meiklejohn  & Co., 
1883. 

Papers  of  Revs.  T.  Matsuyama  and  J.  T.  Ise,  pp.  152-165,  present  obstacles  to  the 
spread  of  Christianity  in  Japan  that  have  not  wholly  passed  away,  though  they  exist 
in  changed  relations  and  degree. 

194.  Proceedings  of  the  General  Conference  of  Protestant  Missionaries  in 

Japan.  Tokyo,  1900.  Pp.  xi,  1048.  Tokyo,  Methodist  Publishing  House, 
1901. 

Discussions  commended  are  “Our  Message,”  pp.  46-68,  and  “Christianity  and  the 
Educated  Classes,”  pp.  328-361. 

195.  Progress.  Vol.  Ill,  No.  2,  1897.  Universal  Religion,  Chicago. 

The  sections  on  Confucianism  are  by  Yung  Kwai,  a delegate  to  the  World’s  Congress, 
and  Dr.  E.  Buckley  of  Chicago  University.  Popular  studies. 

196.  Records  China  Centenary  Missionary  Conference.  Shanghai,  1907.  Pp. 

xxxvii,  823.  Shanghai,  1907.  [New  York,  American  Tract  Society.] 

Discussions  of  ancestor  worship  on  pp.  215-246,  604-625,  excellent  for  later  views  of 
this  problem. 

197.  Records  of  the  General  Conference  of  the  Protestant  Missionaries  of 

China.  Shanghai,  1877.  Pp.  402.  Shanghai,  Presbyterian  Mission  Press, 
1878. 

Dr.  Yates’  paper  on  Ancestor  Worship,  pp.  367-387,  extremely  good  for  details. 

198.  Records  of  the  General  Conference  of  the  Protestant  Missionaries  of 

China.  Shanghai.  1890.  Pp.  Ixviii,  744.  Shanghai,  American  Presby- 
terian Mission  Press,  1890. 

“Preaching  to  the  Heathen,”  by  Drs.  Henry  and  Lowry,  pp.  177-195,  and  especially 
Drs.  Martin  and  Blodget  on  Ancestor  Worship,  pp.  619-660,  are  very  helpful  for  views 
of  twenty-five  years  ago. 

199.  Rein,  J.  J.  Japan : Travels  and  Researches.  Pp.  xii,  543.  New  York,  Arm- 

strong, 1884. 

With  characteristic  German  accuracy.  Professor  Rein  has  put  into  pp.  442-464  a sketch 
of  Japan’s  religions  as  affecting  life. 

200.  Religions  of  Mission  Fields  as  Viewed  by  Protestant  Missionaries.  Pp. 

301.  New  York  Student  Volunteer  Movement  for  Foreign  Missions, 
1905. 

A series  of  chapters  written  by  experienced  missionary  students  of  religions,  that  on 
Confucianism  being  by  President  D.  Z.  Sheffield,  an  eminent  Chinese  scholar.  Intended 
for  missionary  candidates’  use. 

201.  Religious  Systems  of  the  World.  Pp.  vii,  710.  New  York.  Dutton,  1902. 

Addresses  prepared  by  first-hand  students  of  the  religions  discussed,  that  on  Con- 
fucianism being  by  Dr.  Legge. 

202.  Reville,  A.  La  Religion  Chinoise.  * Pp.  vii,  710.  Paris,  Fishbacher,  1889. 

The  first  eleven  chapters  of  Professor  Reville’s  volume  have  to  do  with  Confucianism. 
Note  especially  Chs.  Ill  on  the  canonical  books,  IV  on  China’s  ancient  religion,  VI  on 
ancestor  worship,  VII  on  the  sacrifices,  IX  on  Confucius  and  X on  Confucianism. 

203.  Richard,  T.  The  Awakening  of  Faith  in  the  Mahayana  Doctrine — the 

New  Buddhism.  Pp.  xxv,  45,  46.  Shanghai,  Christian  Literature  So- 
ciety, 1907. 

A translation,  unwarrantably  Christianized,  of  Ashvagosha’s  “Ta  Ch’eng  Ch'i  Hsin 
Lun.”  See  Suzuki’s  translation.  No.  231. 

204.  — Conversions  by  the  Million.  Two  vols.  Pp.  296,  295.  Shanghai, 

Christian  Literature  Society,  1907. 

“Modern  Confucianism,”  Ch.  XIV,  is  extracts  from  four  philosophers  accepted  by 
Chu  Fu-tzu  in  the  13th  century  and  hence  central  in  his  commentaries.  This  book  is 
likewise  an  autobiography  of  the  author  who  has  labored  long  for  Confucian  scholars. 

205.  — Forty-five  Years  in  China.  Pp.  384.  New  York,  F.  A.  Stokes  Co.,  1916. 

Latest  autobiography  of  this  great  worker  for  China’s  literary  classes  and  her  national 
regeneration  through  a manifold  program.  Chs.  XVIII.  “Religious  Movements  and 
Conferences,”  and  XIX,  “Higher  Buddhism,”  especially  to  be  noted. 


141 


APPENDIX  C 


206.  — Guide  to  Buddhahood:  Being  a Standard  Manual  of  Chinese  Buddhism. 

Pp.  xxxiii,  108.  Shanghai,  Christian  Literature  Society,  1907. 

Translation  of  the  Hsiian  Fo  P‘u,  of  which  the  author  says:  “I  have  never  read  any 
(English  book]  which  gives  a more  complete  view  of  Buddhism  as  I have  found  it  in 
China  than  is  given  in  this  little  book.”  Especially  helpful  is  the  Contents  with  the 
Chinese  and  translations  of  technical  words  and  phrases. 

207.  Ritson,  J.  H.  Christian  Literature  in  the  Mission  Field.  Pp.  viii,  152. 

Edinburgh,  Continuation  Committee  World  Missionary  Conference,  1915. 

A survey  of  the  present  situation  by  an  international  committee  under  the  direction  of 
the  Continuation  Committee  of  the  World  Conference  of  1910.  For  China,  see  pp. 
31-57;  for  Japan,  pj).  15-25;  for  Korea,  pp.  26-30. 

208.  Robinson,  C.  H.  History  of  Christian  Missions.  Pp.  xiv,  533.  New 

York,  Scribner,  1915. 

Latest  full  history  of  Missions,  written  from  the  Anglican  viewpoint.  Chs.  VII-IX 
have  to  do  with  the  work  in  Japan,  Korea  and  China. 

209.  Ross,  E.  A.  The  Changing  Chinese : the  Conflict  of  Oriental  and  Western 

Cultures  in  China.  Pp.  xvi,  356.  New  York,  Century  Co.,  1912. 

A remarkable  appraisement  of  Chinese  race  fiber  and  mind  is  found  in  Chs.  II  and 
III,  and  the  last  three  chapters  are  also  helpful  to  the  prospective  worker  among 
educated  Chinese. 

210.  Ross,  J.  History  of  Corea  Ancient  and  Modern,  with  Description  of 

Manners  and  Customs,  Language  and  Geography.  Pp.  xii,  404.  Paisley, 
Parlane,  1879. 

An  early  work  by  a Manchurian  missionary  who  could  study  Korea  only  from  the 
Manchurian  border  and  through  literature. 

211.  — Mission  Methods  in  Manchuria.  Pp.  251.  New  York,  Revell,  1903. 

Like  the  volume  No.  213,  this  book  sets  forth  views  not  acceptable  to  all.  Chapters 
I on  Chinese  consciousness  of  sin,  III  on  street  preaching,  V on  catechumens,  VII  on 
native  church  work,  XIV'  on  preaching,  and  XV  on  Chinese  aids  to  preaching  are 
descriptive  of  ideas  and  methods  attested  by  successful  experience. 

212.  — The  Origin  of  the  Chinese  People.  Pp.  xx,  189.  Edinburgh,  Oliphants, 

Ltd.,  1916. 

A posthumous  volume  prefaced  and  endorsed  by  Professor  Giles  of  Cambridge.  In 
Section  II,  Chs.  II-VI,  is  material  bearing  on  Confucius,  his  religious  system,  his 
books  and  the  sage  and  noble  man. 

213.  — The  Original  Religion  of  China.  Pp.  327.  London,  Oliphant,  Ander- 

son & Ferrier.  n.  d. 

A veteran  Manchurian  missionary  sets  forth  most  forcefully  his  belief  that  China’s 
original  faith  was  monotheism.  An  extremely  suggestive  and  circumstantial  treatment 
of  the  ancient  religion  and  Confucianism  from  that  viewpoint. 

214.  Rudd,  H.  F.  Chinese  Moral  Sentiments  before  Confucius.  A Study  in 

the  Origin  of  Ethical  Valuation.  Pp.  iv,  221.  Chicago,  University  of 
Chicago,  1914. 

Studies  based  upon  Chinese  texts  and  a limited  bibliography  and  containing  helpful 
points  of  view  on  several  Confucian  themes. 

215.  Saeki,  P.  Y.  The  Nestorian  Monument  in  China.  Pp.  xii,  342.  London, 

S.  P.  C.  K.,  1916. 

The  latest  and  fullest  volume  in  English  on  this  earliest  extended  Christian  monument 
of  Asia  by  a Japanese  professor  competent  for  the  task.  The  inscription  formerly  was 
used  by  Chinese  missionaries  in  chapels  or  in  their  preaching  as  helpful  in  establishing 
Christianity’s  antiquity  and  entry  into  China. 

216.  Scherer,  J.  A.  B.  Japan  To-day.  Pp.  323.  Philadelphia,  Lippincott,  1904. 

Breezy  sketches  based  mainly  on  the  author’s  early  experiences  and  observations. 
Chs.  IX,  “Japanese  Traits,”  and  X,  a fine  sketch  of  Dr.  Verbeck’s  work  in  Japan, 
especially  commended. 

217.  Senamaud,  J.  Histoire  de  Confucius.  Pp.  212.  Bordeaux,  Feret  et  Fils, 

1878. 

A thirty-six  page  sketch  of  Confucius  is  followed  by  a concise  account  of  each  of  the 
Four  Books  except  Mencius,  with  selected  maxims  drawn  from  each  and  concluding 
with  a miscellaneous  collection  of  sayings  illustrating  his  system. 

218.  Smith,  A.  H.  China  and  America  To-day.  Pp.  256.  New  York,  Revell, 

1907. 

A volume  of  ephemereal  interest  of  value  to  the  Confucian  worker  mainly  because  of 
the  author's  revised  estimate  of  the  Chinese  in  Ch.  IV,  which  a Chinese  reviewer 
regarded  as  atoning  for  the  under-estimate  of  his  “Chinese  Characteristics.” 


142 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


219.  — Chinese  Characteristics.  2nd  edition.  Pp.  342.  New  York,  Revell,  1894. 

The  best  discussion  of  the  subject,  though  too  little  sympathetic  with  national  self- 
respect  to  be  liked  by  the  Chinese.  The  chapters  on  filial  piety  and  religion  are  most 
pertinent,  though  the  entire  volume  is  illuminating  as  regards  the  common  people 
rather  than  the  educated  Confucianist. 

220.  — Proverbs  and  Common  Sayings  from  the  Chinese.  Revised  edition.  Pp. 

XXX,  374.  Shanghai,  American  Presbyterian  Mission  Press,  1902. 

The  best  collection  of  Chinese  proverbs  most  helpful  in  talking  with  the  people;  pages 
41-47  might  be  committed  to  memory  for  use  among  scholars,  as  they  are  proverbs  from 
the  Classics. 

221.  — The  Uplift  of  China.  Pp.  xv,  274.  New  York,  Young  People’s  Mis- 

sionary Movement,  1907.  [English  edition,  1913,  160  pp.] 

Excellent  outline  by  a foremost  authority,  though  only  down  to  1907.  The  English 
edition  is  abridged,  rewritten  and  brought  down  to  1913. 

222.  Soothill.  W.  E.  The  Analects  of  Confucius.  Pp.  vi,  1028.  New  York, 

Reveil,  1910. 

Very  valuable  because  of  its  introductions,  Chinese  text  and  dictionary  with  references. 
Its  brief  commentary,  with  frequent  parallels  from  the  standard  translations  of  the 
Analects,  makes  it  desirable  for  junior  missionaries  reading  Chinese. 

223.  — The  Three  Religions  of  China.  Pp.  xxii,  324.  London,  Hodder,  1913. 

Lectures  prepared  for  China  missionary  candidates  and  delivered  at  the  Oxford  Summer 
School  of  the  Board  for  the  Training  of  Missionaries  by  an  authority  on  the  subject. 
Discusses  Confucianism,  Taoism  and  Buddhism  and  then  important  aspects  of  religion 
common  to  them  all^  in  many  items.  Strongly  commended  for  missionary  candidates. 

224.  — A Typical  Mission  in  China.  Pp.  293.  New  York,  Revell,  1906. 

For  those  itot  having  access  to  the  author’s  “The  Three  Religions  of  China,”  Chs.  XV, 
XVI  and  XIX  are  deserving  of  a careful  reading. 

225.  Stalker,  J.  The  Ethic  of  Jesus.  Pp.  x,  403.  New  York,  Doran,  1909. 

Under  the  main  heads  of  the  highest  good,  virtue  and  dutjq  the  author  discusses  the 
material  found  in  the  first  three  Gospels.  The  section  on  Duty  especially  good  from 
the  ethical  viewpoint  of  a Confucianist. 

226.  Stead,  A.  Great  Japan.  A Study  of  National  Efficiency,  with  a Foreword 

by  the  Rt.  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Rosebery,  K.  G.  Pp.  xxii,  483.  London,  J. 
Lane,  1906. 

A series  of  suggestive  studies,  only  two  or  three  of  which  relate  to  our  theme. 

227.  Strauss,  V.  von.  Lao-Tse’s  Tao  Te  King.  Pp.  Ixiii,  357.  Leipzig,  F. 

Fleischer,  1870. 

Translation  of  the  Taoist  Classic  with  introduction  and  full  comments  on  the  transla- 
tion. Pp.  347-357  on  Chuang  Tzu^s  account  of  the  interview  between  Lao  Tzu  and 
Confucius  is  illuminating. 

228.  — Schi-king.  Das  kanonische  Liederbuch  der  Cinesen.  Pp.  528.  Heidel- 

berg, C.  Winter’s  Universitatsbuchhandlung,  1880. 

Poetical  version  in  German  of  the  Book  of  Poetry  with  suggestive  introduction  and 
too  limited  notes  by  a foremost  German  scholar. 

229.  Suyematsu,  Baron  K.  The  Risen  Sun.  Pp.  xi,  355.  London,  Constable, 

1905. 

Reprints  for  the  most  part  of  articles  which  appeared  in  various  European  reviews, 
by  an  eminent  statesman-traveler.  They  deal  with  matters  related  to  the  Russo-Japanese 
War.  See  Book  II,  Chs.  Ill,  IV,  IX,  X,  on  morals,  ethics  and  religion. 

230.  Suzuki,  D.  T.  A brief  History  of  Early  Chinese  Philosophy.  Pp.  196. 

London,  Probsthain  & Co.,  1914. 

Pl>.  49-77  on  Confucianism,  pp.  84-111  on  the  hedonistic  egoism  of  Yang  Chou,  the 
utilitarianism  of  Mo  Ti  and  the  ceremonialism  of  Hsun  Tzu,  and  pp.  112-154  on  the 
religion  of  the  Classics  are  comprehensive  and  characteristic  of  Japanese  views  of 
Confucianism  and  its  rivals. 

231.  Suzuki,  Teitaro.  A^vaghosha’s  Discourse  on  the  Awakening  of  the  Faith 

in  the  Mahayana.  Chicago,  Open  Court  Publishing  Co.,  1900. 

A more  scholarly  and  truer  translation  of  this  important  Buddhist  booklet  than  Dr. 
Richard’s.  It  is  the  b^is  of  the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  faith  of  the  Shin  and  Jodo 
sects  of  Japan,  and  is  important  in  China  also. 

232.  T’oung  Pao.  Leiden,  E.  Brill. 

Vol.  Ill,  1892.  Pp.  211-237,  C.  de  Harlez  on  “La  Religion  Chinoise  dans  le  Tchun- 
tsiu  de  Konglze  et  dans  Tso-tchuen.” 


143 


APPENDIX  C 


233.  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan.  Kelly  & Walsh.  Yokohama. 

A very  valuable  repository  of  material  bearing  on  Japan  and  Japanese  thought.  Vols. 
XX  and  XXXIV  contain,  in  articles  by  Drs.  Knox  and  Lloyd,  a large  part  of  the 
scanty  material  in  English  on  the  Conftician  philosophy  in  Japan.  See  also  Fisher’s 
“Life  and  Teachings  of  Nakae  Toju.  the  Sage  of  Omi,”  and  Dening’s  “Confucian 
Philosophy  in  Japai^’’  in  Vol.  XXXVI,  Pt.  I,  pp.  25-96,  and  Pt.  II,  pp.  101-152  re- 
spectively, and  Kirbv’s  “Ancestral  Worship  in  Japan,”  Vol.  XXXVIII,  Pt.  IV,  pp. 
233-267. 

234.  Transactions  of  the  Third  International  Congress  for  the  History  of  Re- 

ligions. Two  vols.  Pp.  xl,  327,  457.  Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1908. 

Vol.  1,  pp.  105-181,  contains  valuable  papers  on  "Religions  of  China  and  Japan,”  by 
specialists.  Prof.  Giles*  address  on  Chinese  ideas  of  God,  pp.  105-114,  especially 
informing. 

235.  Underwood,  H.  G.  The  Call  of  Korea,  Political,  Social,  Religious.  Pp. 

204.  New  York,  Revell,  1908. 

A study-class  text-book  by  one  of  Korea's  pioneers.  Chs.  II  and  III,  on  the  people's 
secular  and  religious  life,  are  very  good. 

236.  — The  Religions  of  Eastern  Asia.  Pp.  x,  267.  New  York,  Macmillan, 

1910. 

By  a scholarly  missionary  of  thirty  years’  Korean  experience.  Lectures  IV  and  VI 
discuss  Confucianism  and  compare  it  with  the  Theism  of  the  Bible. 

237.  Underwood,  L.  H.  Fifteen  Years  Among  the  Top-knots,  or  Life  in 

Korea.  Pp.  xviii,  271.  New  York,  American  Tract  Society,  1904. 

A wonderfully  interesting  record  of  a missionary  doctor  and  her  later  married  life 
spent  in  general  activities.  Every  phase  of  work  and  experience  are  picturesquely 
set  forth. 

238.  Walshe,  W.  G.  Confucius  and  Confucianism.  Pp.  50.  Shanghai,  Kelly  & 

Walsh,  1911. 

Primitive  religion,  ancestor  worship,  the  life  and  times  of  Confucius,  and  Confucianism 
as  the  orthodox  school  are  the  topics  discussed  in  the  four  lectures. 

239.  — “Ways  That  Are  Dark.”  Some  Chapters  on  Chinese  Etiquette  and 

Social  Procedure.  Pp.  276.  Shanghai.  Kelly  & Walsh,  n.  d. 

Though  written  before  the  Revolution,  since  which  date  etiquette  is  rapidly  changing, 
the  volume  has  great  value  for  one  who  expects  to  labor  for  the  older  literati  of  China. 

240.  Wang,  Ching-dao.  Confucius  and  New  China.  Confucius’  Idea  of  the 

State  and  Its  Relation  to  the  Constitutional  Government.  Pp.  iv,  105. 
Shanghai,  Commercial  Press,  1912. 

Originally  written  in  German  at  Berlin.  Of  interest  as  showing  a modern  Chinese 
attempt  to  find  in  Confucius  the  sanction  for  both  old  and  new  governments  in  China. 
Book  I is  most  to  the  point. 

241.  Warneck,  G.  Abriss  einer  Geschichte  der  protestantischen  Missionen  von 

der  Reformation  bis  auf  die  Gegenwart.  Pp.  x,  624.  Berlin,  M.  War- 
neck,  1913. 

Last  edition  of  the  standard  German  history  of  Missions,  added  to  by  five  writers. 
Pp.  462-491  deal  with  China,  pp.  491-497  with  Korea  and  497-528  with  Japan. 

242.  Watson,  W.  P.  The  Future  of  Japan,  with  a Survey  of  Present  Condi- 

tions. Pp.  xxxi,  389.  New  York,  Dutton,  1907. 

A psychological  and  philosophical  account  of  historical  and  contemporary  Japan  with 
its  relation  to  the  Occidental  world  at  present  and  in  the  future  by  an  author  who 
resided  several  years  in  Japan. 

243.  Wendland,  J.  Miracles  and  Christianity.  Pp.  300.  New  York,  Doran, 

1911. 

As  miracles  are  a crucial  point  of  difficulty  with  scholars  of  the  Far  East,  this  volume 
is  worthy  of  studv  if  one  has  time  to  give  the  subject  beyond  the  articles  alluded  to 
under  the  “Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,”  No.  102  above. 

244.  Werner,  E.  T.  C.  Descriptive  Sociology.  Chinese.  Pp.  312  and  many 

tables.  London,  Williams  & Norgate,  1910. 

A most  imposing  work  elaborated  after  Herbert  Spencer’s  scheme  abstracted  by  a 
British  consul  from  1038  volumes  mostly  Chinese,  and  supplying  10,000  extracts.  The 
sections  “Domestic — Filial,”  especially  p.  33,  “Ecclesiastical,”  especially  pp.  118-120, 
“Funeral  Rites,”  especially  pp,  195-202,  “Knowledge,”  especially  pp.  219-220,  are  worthy 
of  careful  reading. 


144 


SELECTED  REFERENCES 


245.  Wieger,  L.  Moral  Tenets  and  Customs  in  China.  Texts  in  Chinese,  Trans- 

lated and  Annotated  by  L.  Davrout,  S.  J.  Pp.  604.  Ho-kien-fu,  Catholic 
Mission  Press,  1913. 

Chinese  texts  on  morals  and  tenets  of  Confucianism,  Taoism  and  Buddhism,  with  Part 
V on  Chinese  manners  and  customs  in  Chihli.  The  author  has  chosen  texts  containing 
“the  essential  notions  of  the  three  Sects  as  taught  to  the  peofjle.”  In  addition  to 
the  Chinese  texts,  the  Wade  romanization  and  translation  are  given. 

246.  Williams,  S.  W.  The  Middle  Kingdom.  Two  vols.  Pp.  xxv,  836  and  xii, 

775.  New  York,  Scribner,  1882. 

A standard  work  upon  China  and  things  Chinese,  written  by  a Sinologue  long  resident 
in  China.  Chs.  XI  and  XVIII  on  the  Chinese  Classics  and  Religion  are  especially 
commended. 

247.  World  Missionary  Conference,  1910.  Report  of  Commission  IV.  The 

Missionary  Message  in  Relation  to  Non-Christian  Religions.  Pp.  xx, 
337.  New  York,  Revell,  1910. 

A Commission  of  twenty,  with  Prof.  Cairns  as  Chairman,  gathered  a great  mass  of 
evidence  from  mission  fields  as  to  this  topic.  The  chapters  “Chinese  Religions”  and 
“The  Religions  of  Japan”  are  helpful  for  our  purposes,  especially  Ch.  Ill  and  sections 
of  Ch.  IV  dealing  with  Confucianism. 

248.  Wylie,  A.  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature.  New  edition.  Pp.  xxxix,  307. 

Shanghai,  American  Presbyterian  Mission  Press,  1902. 

An  eminent  Sinologue*s  selection  and  annotation  of  Chinese  literature  with  valuable 
introductory  remarks  and  convenient  lists  of  titles  and  authors  in  Chinese. 

249.  Ying  Ssu  Shu.  Four  Books  in  English.  Pp.  378.  Shanghai,  Shanghai 

Shu  Chti,  1899. 

Reprint  through  photo  processes  of  the  Chinese  text,  translation  and  exegetical  notes 
of  an  early  edition  of  Dr.  Legge’s  Chinese  Classics,  Vols.  I and  II,  with  no  other 
matter  included  except  what  is  stated  here.  A cheap  and  fairly  satisfactory  edition 
for  those  unable  to  p’urchase  the  full  edition  (Nos.  141  and  142  above). 

250.  Yule,  H.  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither : Being  a Collection  of  Medieval 

Notices  of  China.  Two  vols.  Pp.  ccliii,  5%,  xcviii.  London,  Hakluyt 
Society,  1866. 

Roman  Catholic  intercourse  with  China  in  the  Middle  Ages  is  set  forth  in  the  original 
authorities.  Nestorian  Missions,  pp.  Ixxxviii-ci,  are  here  well  summarized. 


Appendix  D. — Selected  Readings  for  Specific  Subjects 

In  this  Appendix  definite  readings  have  been  listed  which 
are  advised  for  most  of  the  topics  discussed  in  the  foregoing 
Report.  They  are  usually  specific  as  to  the  pages  or  chapters 
to  be  read,  though  it  should  be  understood  that  this  is  only 
for  the  convenience  of  the  user  and  that  other  portions  than 
these  chapters  or  pages  of  the  sources  cited  are  also  worth 
reading. 

The  multiplication  of  references  under  some  sections  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  if  only  three  or  four  were  given,  it  might 
happen  that  the  reader  could  not  find  any  of  them  in  the 
libraries  accessible;  whereas  with  a much  larger  number  of 
possibilities,  one  or  more  of  the  volumes  might  be  found. 
To  lessen  the  difficulty  of  choosing  among  the  larger  number 
given,  the  superior  numeral  ^ is  prefixed  to  a few  references 


145 


APPENDIX  D 


to  indicate  their  usefulness  to  readers  who  care  for  brief 
or  essential  treatments  of  the  subject  only;  while  the  superior 
numeral  ^ is  prefixed  to  entries  that  are  most  useful  to  junior 
missionaries,  or  to  persons  who  read  the  Chinese  text.  Very 
few  of  the  latter  sort  are  given,  since  missionaries  know 
better  than  do  candidates  what  authorities  and  volumes  are 
most  desirable.  In  choosing  between  many  references  under 
a given  head,  the  annotations  found  on  pages  127-145  will 
enable  the  reader  to  estimate  values  to  a certain  extent. 

As  Dr.  Legge’s  translations  and  writings  on  Confucian- 
ism are  the  most  voluminous  and  also  are  more  commonly 
accessible  than  books  by  other  authors,  they  are  constantly 
entered  in  the  lists.  Yet  it  should  be  remembered  that  there 
is  much  repetition  in  his  writings.  This  is  especially  true 
of  Numbers  140  and  141,  whose  Prolegomena  are  almost 
identical,  as  are  those  of  Numbers  142  and  146.  So,  also, 
his  briefer  articles  in  Numbers  69  and  201  have  much  in 
common.  Readers  of  Dr.  Faber’s  writings  on  Confucianism 
i — except  his  “Mind  of  Mencius” — will  likewise  find  them 
more  or  less  repetitious. 

N.  B. — The  numerals  in  heavy-faced  type  indicate  the 
numbers  of  the  hooks  referred  to  in  the  Bibliography.  Thus 
in  the  first  reference  below,  “7;  vol.  2,  pp.  j8l-402,”  the 
1 refers  to  No.  J of  the  annotated  Bibliography.  The  refer- 
ence thus  means,  No.  f , Asiatic  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  2, 
pp.  381-402. 

PART  I.  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  FAR-EASTERN  CANDIDATES 

II.  Definition  and  General  Character  of  Confucianism. — ^7:  vol.  2, 
pp.  381-402.  10:  lect.  2.  13:  vol.  1,  pp.  *374-439,  594^04.  26:  vol. 

4,  pp.  223-228.  36:  vol.  42,  pp.  *319-328,  *403-415;  vol.  47,  pp.  90- 
97.  42:  ch.  2.  53:  pp.  89-131.  56.  70:  pp.  18-19,  101-102.  72: 
pp.  1-2.  81:  pp.  618-660.  *82:  lect.  3.  85:  p.  19.  *89:  chs.  3,  4. 

97:  vol.  2,  pp.  17-58.  *102:  vol.  4,  pp.  12-15.  105:  ch.  4.  107:  pp. 

116-126.  *137:  second  section  on  Chinese  religions.  *147:  lects.  1,  2. 

167:  chs.  1,  2,  especially  pp.  30-31.  *180:  vol.  2,  pp.  42,  63,  64.  182: 

pp.  65-75.  184:  ch.  3.  195:  pp.  103-106,  *108-136.  200:  ch.  7. 

146 


SELECTED  REFERENCES 


^201:  pp.  61-76.  202:  ch.  10.  ^224:  ch.  16.  236:  pp.  167,  169,  171. 
238:  pp.  42-43.  245:  pp.  133-134. 

III.  Founders  of  Confucianism. — ^76:  pp.  11-32.  ^168:  pp.  223-248. 

III.  1 The  Chou  Dynasty  Background. — 19:  vol.  1,  pp.  1-64.  91: 

ch.  6.  157:  chs.  6,  7.  171:  Pt.  5. 

III.  1 (a)  Period  Before  Confucius. — 106:  chs.  4,  5.  157:  ch.  6. 

III.  1 (b)  In  the  Seventh  and  Sixth  Centuries. — 106:  chs.  6,  7.  157: 
ch.  7. 

III.  1 (c)  Time  of  Mencius. — 106:  pp.  259-299. 

III.  2 Confucius  {general). — 14:  pp.  195-204.  29:  pp.  3-22.  63: 
ch.  7.  ^69:  vol.  6,  pp.  907-912.  74:  ch.  3.  84:  No.  1043.  ^89:  ch.  3. 

102:  vol.  4,  pp.  16-19.  103:  pp.  163-193.  H47:  pp.  124-149.  160: 

ch.  7.  161:  ch.  5.  183:  ch.  44.  202:  ch.  9.  212:  ch.  2.  217:  pre- 
liminary 36-page  sketch.  ^224:  ch.  15.  227:  pp.  347-357.  246: 
vol.  1,  pp.  658-666. 

III.  2 (a)  His  Life  and  Times. — ^1:  chs.  3-10.  2:  pp.  1-13.  15: 
pp.  102-114.  37:  vol.  11,  pp.  411-425;  vol.  18,  pp.  337-342.  '61: 
pp.  25-64.  72:  p.  109.  '116:  pp.  571-596.  '140:  pp.  55-90.  '141: 

pp.  56-89.  163:  No.  319.  185:  pp.  198-222.  '222:  pp.  21-63j,  94-95. 

223:  pp.  23-35.  '238t  lect.  3. 

III.  2 (b)  Character  of  Confucius. — '1:  ch.  11.  '14:  pp.  206-219. 

37:  vol.  11,  pp.  411-425.  61:  pp.  146-149.  87:  pp.  20-28.  '116:  pp. 

586-594.  '141:  pp.  94-101. 

III.  2 (c)  Confucius  as  Teacher. — '1:  ch.  20.  '116:  pp.  599-622. 

141:  see  Index  under  “Teaching,”  “Teacher,”  p.  440.  147:  pp.  139-146. 

III.  2 (d)  Posthumous  Influence.— W^\  pp.  625-633.  '140:  pp. 
91-115.  '141:  pp.  90-111.  147:  pp.  147-149. 

III.  3 Mencius  {general). — 14:  pp.  220-224.  37:  see  Index  volume 
under  “Mencius.”  '69:  vol.  18,  pp.  112-115.  84:  No.  1522.  102: 

vol.  8,  pp.  547-549.  106:  pp.  282-298.  246:  vol.  1,  pp.  666-672. 

III.  3 (a)  His  Life. — '2:  pp.  14—26.  61:  pp.  154r-157.  '142: 
pp.  14-38.  '146:  pp.  14-37.  163:  No.  494.  223:  pp.  35-40. 

III.  3 (b)  Character  of  Mencius. — '116:  pp.  639-646.  142:  pp. 

40-44. 

III.  3 (c)  As  a Teacher. — 116:  pp.  653-658. 

III.  3 (d)  Posterity’s  Estimate  of  Mencius. — 142:  pp.  38-76.  146: 
pp.  37-76. 


147 


APPENDIX  D 


IV.  Confucian  Literature  {general). — 11:  ch.  15.  15:  pp.  115-131. 
29:  pp.  23-38.  36:  vol.  9,  pp.  49-62;  vol.  10,  pp.  284—297;  vol.  26, 

pp.  H03-414.  102:  vol.  8,  pp.  89-91.  140:  pp.  1-11.  141:  pp.  1-11. 

158:  ch.  5.  160:  ch.  10.  168:  ch.  7.  202:  ch.  3.  238:  pp.  37-42. 
248:  pp.  1-8. 

IV.  1 The  Five  Classics. — ^86:  pp.  7-31.  171:  vol.  3,  pp.  xiii-xxx. 

^248:  pp.  1-7. 

IV.  1 (a)  Canon  of  History. — 1:  ch.  13.  4:  chs.  2-5.  ^45,  espe- 

cially vol.  1,  ch.  2.  n08.  116:  pp.  487-493.  136:  pp.  389-394.  ^43: 
Pt.  1,  pp.  1-90,  Pt.  2,  pp.  1-630.  147:  pp.  23-26.  174:  Pts.  1,  2,  5, 

and  especially  pp.  1-19.  181,  especially  Introduction.  ^186:  pp. 

46-136.  211:  pp.  63-69.  246:  vol.  1,  pp.  633-636. 

IV.  1 (b)  Canon  of  Poetry. — 1:  ch.  14.  3.  44,  especially  pp.  xxi- 

xxxi.  115,  especially  Introduction.  U16:  pp.  511-550.  136:  pp. 

395-402.  ^144.  147:  pp.  27-29.  148,  especially  pp.  1-57.  171, 

especially  pp.  275-284,  303-346.  211:  pp.  87-97.  228,  especially 
pp.  3-61.  246:  vol.  1,  pp.  636-643. 

IV.  1 (c)  Canon  of  Changes. — 1:  ch.  12.  4:  ch.  8.  7:  vols.  9-11, 
the  series  of  translations  and  discussions  by  Dr.  Harlez.  14:  pp.  178- 
181.  36:  vol.  29,  pp.  334-340.  416:  p.  907-922.  447:  pp.  35-43. 
155:  especially  Bk.  3,  and  Introduction.  172,  especially  pp.  1-55  and 
Appendix  3.  186:  pp.  137-149.  ^246:  vol.  1,  pp.  627-633. 

IV.  1 (d)  Record  of  Rites. — 1:  ch.  15.  4:  ch.  9.  136:  pp.  402-406. 

173,  especially  vol.  27,  pp.  1-60.  211:  ch.  6.  246:  vol.  1,  pp.  643-647. 

IV.  1 (e)  Spring  and  Autumn  Annals. — 1:  ch.  15.  4:  ch.  10.  47. 

^145,  especially  vol.  1,  chs.  1,  3.  232:  vol.  3,  pp.  211-237.  246:  vol. 
1,  pp.  647-651. 

IV.  2 The  Four  Books  {general). — ^46.  212:  ch.  4.  217.  ^249. 

IV.  2 (a)  The  Great  Learning. — l:ch.  16.  136:  pp.  572-574.  440: 
pp.  22-34.  141:  pp.  42-34,  455-381.  186:  pp.  155-162.  246:  vol.  1, 
pp.  652-653. 

IV.  2 (b)  Doctrine  of  the  Mean. — 1:  ch.  17.  131.  136:  pp.  374- 

376.  440:  pp.  35-54.  141:  pp.  35-55,  482-434.  186:  pp.  163-176. 
246:  vol.  1,  pp.  653-656. 

IV.  2 (c)  Analects.— V.  ch.  18.  4:  ch.  11.  87.  132.  136:  pp. 

376-379.  140:  pp.  12-18.  141:  pp.  12-20,  437-354.  186:  pp.  177- 
218.  422:  pp.  64-73.  246:  vol.  1,  p.  656. 

IV.  2 (d)  Mencius.— 1-.  ch.  19.  4:  ch.  12.  ^86:  pp.  32-40.  136: 

pp.  380-387.  142:  pp.  1-13,  425-502.  146:  ch.  1.  186:  pp.  219-304. 

246:  vol.  1,  pp.  666-667. 

V.  The  Development  of  Confucianism  {general). — 29:  pp.  39-47. 

148 


SELECTED  REFERENCES 


V.  1 Chu  Hsi.—2:  pp.  113-121.  6:  pp.  34-38.  44:  pp.  230-238. 

37:  vol.  18,  pp.  187-206,  see  also  Index  volume  under  “CAm  Hi.”  84: 
No.  446.  85:  pp.  233-241.  150:  ch.  51.  154:  pp.  iii-vii.  ^remainder 

of  volume.  163:  No.  79.  179:  pp.  61-66.  223:  pp.  40-43. 

V.  2 Imperial  Confucianism. — 15:  pp.  132-143.  35:  vol.  6,  pp. 

147-158,  223-235,  299-310,  363-374.  36:  vol.  46,  pp.  484-492,  600- 
606,  764-774;  vol.  47,  pp.  112-119.  37:  vol.  3,  pp.  49-53.  59:  vol.  1, 
ch.  14.  161:  pp.  158-170.  63:  chs.  3,  4.  67:  ch.  2.  94:  ch.  2.  118: 

vol.  44,  pp.  11^5.  211:  ch.  7.  223:  lect.  11.  246:  vol.  2,  pp.  194-206. 

V.  3 Confucianism  Since  the  Revolution. — 36:  vol.  44,  pp.  ^687-692; 
vol.  46,  pp.  1606-613.  85:  p.  263. 

VI.  1 Confucianism  an  Ethical  System.— 28:  Pt.  1,  ch.  3.  i61:  pp. 

92-131.  ^70:  especially  pp.  104-129,  162-248.  72:  pp.  36-66,  69-74. 

102:  vol.  2,  pp.  672-675;  vol.  7,  pp.  485-489.  il03:  pp.  18-79.  133: 
pp.  17-22.  147:  pp.  104-112,  137-139.  il61:  ch.  12.  183:  ch.  37, 

185:  pp.  30-38.  233:  lect.  9.  226:  ch.  3.  229:  pp.  177-194. 

VI.  2 Confucianism  a Social  Force. — ^70:  pp.  162-186.  74:  ch.  5. 

VI.  3 Confucianism  in  Politics  and  Government. — 61:  pp.  132-142. 
^70:  pp.  187-248,  and  Bk.  3.  133:  pp.  35-38.  240:  pp.  29-105. 

VI.  4 (a)  Korean  Confucianism. — 129:  vol.  of  1895,  pp.  471-474. 
236:  lect.  4. 

VI.  4 (b)  Japanese  Confucianism. — 6:  pp.  24-38,  119-126,  196-197, 

277-282,  287-293.  21:  vol.  2,  ch.  5.  ^27:  article  “Confucianism.” 

293:  chs.  4,  5.  419:  pp.  17-18.  ^122:  lects.  5,  6.  424:  chs.  7,  11. 
2125,  especially  pp.  134-192.  ^177,  especially  chs.  1,  2,  15,  17.  178: 

chs.  5,  6.  480:  vol.  2,  ch.  3.  182:  pp.  113-114.  230:  pp.  49-71. 

233:  vol.  36,  Pt.  1,  pp.  25-96;  Pt.  2,  pp.  101-152. 

VII.  Modern  Confucianists  and  Confucian  Peoples  {general).— 28: 
pp.  68-71,  81-90,  144-148. 

VII.  1 Traits  Common  to  Confucianists  and  Their  Peoples. — 37: 
vol.  11,  pp.  480-487.  78:ch.  9.  295;  chs.  5,  7,  13,  25,  35.  105:  ch.  3. 
116:  pp.  5-67,  169-177.  119:  pp.  11-14.  150:  chs.  62,  63.  151:  pp. 
17-21,  24,  39,  95.  174:  chs.  3,  4.  475:  ch.  19.  178:  ch.  4.  i209: 
chs.  2,  3.  216:  ch.  9.  ^218:  ch.  4.  219,  especially  chs.  19,  26.  221: 
ch.  2.  ^229:  pp.  130-143.  235:  ch.  2.  ^246:  vol.  1,  pp.  833-836. 

VII.  2 Special  Characteristics  of  Confucian  Scholars. — 37 : vol.  7,  pp. 
1-8.  295;  chs.  19,  20,  22,  23,  26.  164:  ch.  18.  470:  pp.  15-32.  246: 
vol.  2,  pp.  199-202. 

VII.  2 (b)  The  Ethical  Emphasis. — 50,  especially  ch.  1.  52:  ch.  2. 
270,  especially  pp.  104-129,  162-248.  122:  lects.  5,  6.  133:  pp.  17-23. 

2222:  pp.  104^113.  223:  lect.  9. 

VII.  2 (c)  Courtesy  and  Politeness. — 107:  ch.  12.  177:  ch.  6.  2239, 

especially  chs.  1,  5,  11. 


149 


APPENDIX  D 


VII.  3 Modernity  as  Affecting  Confucianists. — 36:  vol.  39,  pp. 
259-266;  vol.  44,  pp.  156-163,  407-411. 

VII.  4 How  Confucianists  Regard  Christianity. — ^13:  vol.  1,  pp. 
424-430.  32:  ch.  13.  36:  vol.  42,  pp.  255-262;  vol.  43,  pp.  421-423. 
67:  ch.  13.  459:  ch.  2.  193:  pp.  152-165.  247:  pp.  58-63,  83-90. 

VII.  5 (a)  Religious  Life  in  China. — ^14:ch.  10.  20:ch.  6.  36:  vol. 
18,  pp.  329-334,  369-374.  52:  ch.  5.  57:  pp.  57-114.  ^90:  chs.  4,  5. 
94:  ch.  5.  99:  chs.  25-29.  100:  ch.  2.  149:  pp.  32-41.  167:  ch.  4. 
'221:  ch.  4. 

VII.  5 (b)  Religious  Life  in  Korea. — 16:  chs.  30,  34,  35.  36:  vol. 
18,  pp.  7-20.  '77:  ch.  3.  83:  ch.  8.  92:  ch.  37.  100:  ch.  1.  128: 
series  in  1903  on  “The  Mudang  and  Pansu.”  153:  ch.  6.  235:  ch.  3. 

VII.  5 (c)  Religious  Life  in  Japan. — 21:  vol.  5,  ch.  5.  57:  pp. 

115-171.  '124:  ch.  8.  150:  Appendix  C.  167:  chs.  6,  7.  '170:  chs. 

2,  3.  182:  pp.  104-121.  199:  pp.  442-464.  201:  pp.  92-101.  '229: 

pp.  195-207.  242:  chs.  14-17. 

VIII.  Missionaries  to  Confucianists. — '36.  vol.  46,  pp.  353-365, 
492-500,  751-760. 


PART  II.  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  JUNIOR  WORKERS  IN 
CONFUCIAN  LANDS 

I.  2 Importance  of  the  Commentaries. — 146:  pp.  4-9.  222:  pp.  74-78. 

I.  3 Extra-Canonical  Confucian  Literature. — 36:  vol.  9,  pp.  249- 

262;  vols.  ^9-11,  a series  giving  a translation  of  part  of  the  “Family 
Sayings  of  Confucius.”  '116:  pp.  437-467.  136:  pp.  368-371.  171: 

pp.  449-488.  245:  pp.  6-134.  246:  vol.  1,  pp.  536-539,  686-691. 

II.  Additional  Facts  in  the  Development  of  Confucianism  {general). — 

167:  ch.  2. 

II.  1 Effect  of  the  “Burning  of  the  Books.” — 2:  pp.  27—42.  140: 

pp.  6-10.  141:  pp.  6-9. 

II.  2 (a)  Leading  Heresies. — 14:  pp.  185-193.  71.  84:  No.  1537, 
Mo  Ti;  No.  2370,  Yang  Chu.  102:  vol  8,  pp.  623-624.  '106:  pp. 

275-282.  116:  pp.  657-661.  '146:  pp.  77-121.  '230:  pp.  84-111. 

II.  2 (b)  Official  Opposition  to  Chinese  Sectarianism.. — 31:  pp.  41-45. 
36:  vol.  17,  pp.  1-10,  64-73,  '245-252;  vol.  19,  pp.  261-268,  302-310; 
vol.  37,  pp.  471-477,  548-555.  55,  especially  chs.  4,  5,  8.  '245:  pp. 

112-132. 

II.  3 The  Sung  Dynasty  Philosophers. — 2:  pp.  101-112.  14:  pp. 
224r-230.  69:  vol.  6,  p.  227.  84:  No.  2134,  Wang  An-shih.  86:  pp. 
220-231.  '91:  ch.  12.  93:  ch.  5.  117:  vol.  31,  pp.  65-75.  154, 
especially  p.  161.  '204:  ch.  14. 


150 


SELECTED  REFERENCES 


II.  4 Wang  Yang-ming. — 84:  No.  2224.  ^104,  especially  his 

Biography  and  Book  1.  151:  pp.  107-114.  ^165:  vol.  24,  pp.  17-34. 

II.  5 Confucianism  as  Affected  by  Other  Asiatic  Religions  {general). 
— 109:  vol.  1,  p.  164,  also  Index,  “Confucius.”  175:  ch.  11. 

II.  5 (a)  By  Japanese  Religions. — 179,  especially  pp.  46-61. 

II.  5 (c)  By  Buddhism  in  China. — 36:  vol.  2,  pp.  81-88;  vol.  42,  pp. 
347-357.  203.  205:  ch.  19.  206.  231. 

III.  Confucianism’s  Contact  with  Christianity  {general). — 168:  ch. 
8.  242:  chs.  25,  28. 

III.  1 The  Nestorian  Contact. — 36:, vol.  13,  pp.  355-361;  vol.  26, 
pp.  251-260;  vol.  39,  pp.  125-135,  197-205.  37:  vol.  16,  pp.  153-168; 
see  also  Index  volume  under  “Nestorians.”  65:  vol.  7,  pp.  ^202-217; 
vol.  12,  pp.  1383-410.  168:  ch.  8.  484:  ch.  6.  -2U.  i246:  vol.  2, 
pp.  275-286.  ^250:  vol.  1,  pp.  Ixxxviii-ci. 

III.  2 Contact  with  Roman  Catholicism. — 3:  pp.  186-200.  10:  pp. 

197-208.  126:  vol.  13,  pp.  34-40.  36:  vol.  44,  pp.  613-626;  vol.  46, 

pp.  1220-226,  1302-310.  37:  vol.  18,  pp.  574-588;  vol.  19,  pp.  118-135; 
see  also  Index  volume  under  “Roman  Catholics,”  “Romanism.”  42: 

ch.  9.  165:  vol.  12,  pp.  383-410.  67:  ch.  14.  93:  ch.  11.  ^138, 

especially  pp.  22-48,  429-461.  168:  pp.  331-351.  170:  ch.  4.  184: 

ch.  9.  246:  vol.  2,  pp.  287-318.  250:  vol.  1,  pp.  cxx-cxxxiv,  103-144, 
165-230,  etc. 

III.  3 Protestantism’s  Contacts. — 10:  lect.  8.  36:  vol.  19,  pp.  358-364, 

397-402,  465-472.  139:  especially  chs.  4,  6.  168:  ch.  9.  170:  ch.  5. 

184:  ch.  10.  204:  ch.  6.  205,  especially  ch.  18.  224:  ch.  19.  246: 

vol.  2,  pp.  318-371. 

IV.  The  Missionary’s  Attitude  Toward  Confucianism  {general). — 
32.-  ch.  7.  36:  vol.  5,  pp.  33-41;  vol.  18,  pp.  1-11;  vol.  23,  pp.  99-110; 
vol.  35,  pp.  402-410,  459-468;  vol.  38,  pp.  16-22;  vol.  39,  pp.  245-259; 
vol.  48,  pp.  296-313.  169:  ch.  9.  247:  pp.  52-54,  94-97. 

IV.  1 It  Should  Be  Sympathetic. — 68:  lect.  1. 

IV.  5 It  Should  Be  Brotherly  and  Courteous. — 36:  vol.  23,  pp.  51-57; 

vol.  26,  pp.  1-10;  vol.  29,  pp.  263-273,  418-426;  vol.  37,  pp.  531-547; 
vol.  44,  pp.  214r-218.  177:  ch.  6.  239:  especially  chs.  1,  11,  13. 

V.  Comparisons  and  Contrasts  Between  Christianity  and  Confucianism. 

— 36:  vol.  8,  pp.  351-359;  vol.  12,  pp.  218-224;  vol.  17,  pp.  365-374. 
130.  164:  pp.  571-638.  ^194:  second  tract  by  Dr.  Legge.  236:  lect.  6. 

247:  pp.  54-66,  97-104. 

V.  1 Emphasis  of  Points  Held  in  Common  {general).- — 31:  pp.  2-4. 
36:  vol.  17,  pp.  285-293,  329-337.  ^72:  pp.  90-92,  97-99.  147:  lect.  4. 

V.  1 (a)  Belief  in  a Supreme  Deity. — 10:  lect.  1.  35:  pp.  272-273. 
36:  vol.  8,  pp.  398-411,  411-426,  476-488;  vol.  11,  pp.  161-186;  vol. 
12,  pp.  35-53,  149-192;  see  also  Index  of  vols.  1-20  under  “Term 
Question”;  vol.  26,  pp.  201-210;  vols.  32  and  33,  series  of  fourteen 


151 


APPENDIX  D 


articles  on  Shen  by  Dr.  Mateer;  vol.  33,  pp.  436-438;  vol.  35,  pp.  5-18. 
37:  vol.  7,  pp.  314-321;  vol.  14,  pp.  145-148;  vol.  15,  pp.  568-574,  577- 
601;  vol.  16,  pp.  30-34,  34-39,  99-102,  121-129;  vol.  17,  pp.  357-360. 
50:  pp.  284-288,  293-298.  58:  pp.  55-69.  68:  lect.  7.  ^70:  pp.  70- 
77.  ^72:  pp.  29-31,  32-35.  73:  pp.  536-550.  ^80:  ch.  6.  85:  pp. 
^25,  37-38,  67-73,  89-95.  95:  pp.  310-312.  97:  vol.  2,  pp.  37-45. 
102:  vol.  6,  pp.  252-269,  272-274,  294^295.  416:  pp.  553-568,  723-733. 
133:  pp.  39^2.  139:  ch.  6.  147:  pp.  8-10,  23-31.  154,  especially  pp. 

25-79,135-152.  155:  Appendix,  Notes  A,  B,  F.  190:  pp.  19-67.  211: 
pp.  107-120,  128-138.  ^223:  lect.  5.  ^230:  pp.  112-154.  232:  pp. 
215-220.  1234:  pp.  105-114.  i238:  pp.  1-4,  45-47. 

V.  1 (b)  Recognition  of  a Divinely  Appointed  Law. — 50:  pp.  288-293. 
133:  pp.  1-12.  147:  pp.  98-104. 

V.  1 (c)  Doctrine  of  the  Nature  of  Man. — 36:  vol.  9,  pp.  11-23; 
vol.  26,  pp.  263-270.  37:  vol.  2,  pp.  310-312.  40:  pp.  45-59.  80: 

ch.  7.  81:  pp.  96-101.  116:  pp.  950-975.  133:  pp.  1-12.  146:  pp. 

55-74,  88-90.  162:  ch.  2. 

V.  1 (d)  Belief  in  Existence  After  Death. — 35:  p.  276.  50:  pp. 
267-271.  62:  ch.  12.  67:  ch.  12.  402:  vol.  3,  pp.  728-729;  vol.  7, 
pp.  172-179;  vol.  8,  pp.  14^16,  37-39.  ^116:  pp.  708-715.  147:  pp. 
112-122.  423:  pp.  199-206.  232:  pp.  233-236.  238:  p.  9. 

V.  1 (e)  Exaltation  of  Founders  of  the  Two  Religions. — ^73:  pp. 
258-288,  356-379.  40:  ch.  4.  48. 

V.  1 (f)  The  Idea  of  Sacrifice. — 35:  p.  275.  37:  vol.  17,  pp.  97-101. 
63:ch.  8.  85:  pp.  47-51.  102:  vol.  3,  pp.  729-731.  103;  pp.  141-155. 
147:  pp.  53,  55-57.  190:  Pt.  2,  pp.  13-19.  202:  ch.  7.  211:  ch.  5 
and  pp.  277-281,  283,  297-308.  223:  pp.  135-151,  155-157,  215-218, 
272-296.  438:  pp.  4-7. 

V.  1 (g)  The  Use  of  Prayer. — 35:  p.  275.  46:  vol.  44,  pp.  146-156, 

289-295,  368-379.  85:  pp.  80,  262.  147:  pp.  43-53,  82-83.  423: 
pp.  153-161,  279-285.  238:  pp.  7-8. 

V.  2 Additional  Distinctive  Teachings  of  Christianity  {general). — 
31:  pp.  9-11. 

V.  2 (a)  Atonement  and  Salvation. — 35:  p.  279.  36:  vol.  46,  pp. 
211-220.  58:  pp.  174-185,  225-258.  64:  pp.  170-172,  177-178,  183- 
189.  67:ch.  11.  40:ch.  5.  ^102:  vol.  5,  pp.  641-650.  147:  pp.  54-55. 
462:  ch.  9. 

V.  2 (b)  The  Resurrection. — ^54:  vol.  1,  Pt.  2. 

V.  2 (c)  Eschatological  Beliefs  of  Christianity. — 40:  ch.  9.  102: 

vol.  8,  pp.  16-19. 

V.  2 (d)  Worship  and  the  Sacraments. — 36:  vol.  45,  pp.  615-625. 
48:  pp.  259-282.  73:  pp.  418^25,  551-568. 

V.  2 (e)  Doctrine  of  the  Church. — 36:  vol.  20,  pp.  145-150;  vol.  44, 
pp.  355-359;  vol.  46,  pp.  555-562. 


152 


SELECTED  REFERENCES 


V.  3 (c)  Social  Ideals  Objectionable  to  Confucianists. — 147:  pp. 
108-112.  487.  ^214:  pp.  72-87,  141-166.  226:  chs.  16,  17.  =244: 

pp.  24^32,  33-37.  ^247:  pp.  46-49,  87-90. 

V.  3 (d)  Impracticable  Moral  Ideals. — 35:  p.  281.  ^247:  pp.  42- 

43,  83-86. 

V.  3 (e)  Doctrine  of  Sin. — 85:  pp.  83-84;  211:  ch.  1. 

V.  3 (f)  Christianity  and  the  Supernatural. — 73:  Bk.  1,  ch.  8. 
especially  pp.  3-19.  102:  vol.  8,  pp.  676-690.  ^111.  ^243. 

V.  3 (g)  The  Divinity  and  Deity  of  Christ. — 58:  pp.  216-225.  64: 
pp.  180-183. 

V.  4 Confucian  Views  Opposed  to  Christianity  {general). — ^31:  pp. 
4-9.  62:  chs.  20-21.  42:  pp.  82-84,  92-97. 

V.  4 (a)  Confucian  Views  of  Sin. — 35:  pp.  277-279.  36:  vol.  15, 
pp.  425-428;  vol.  41,  pp.  321-327;  vol.  42,  pp.  561-571,  ^572-577.  ^58; 
pp.  127-139,  156-172.  42:  pp.  67-68.  95:  pp.  313-317.  211:  ch.  1. 
423:  pp.  247-258.  245:  pp.  136-156. 

V.  4 (b)  Confucian  Sanction  of  Polygamy. — 36:  vol.  37,  pp.  175- 
188.  ^61:  pp.  125-128. 

V.  4 (c)  Confucianism’s  Exaggeration  of  Filial  Piety. — 36:  ^nine 
articles  by  Faber,  vols.  9-11;  vol.  31,  pp.  ^392-402.  47:  vol.  6,  pp. 

130-142.  50:  pp.  156-165.  133:  pp.  28-34.  ^38:  pp.  85-190. 

V.  4 (d)  Undue  Regard  for  Deceased  Ancestors. — ^18:  especially 
Pt.  1.  30:  pp!  215-246,  604-624  and  Index  under  “Ancestral  Worship.” 
36:  vol.  1,  pp.  23-28,  37-43.  50:  pp.  165-171,  271-280.  53:  pp.  62-88. 

54:  See  Index  of  vol.  3 under  “Soul  Tablets.”  49:  vol.  1,  ch.  8.  40: 

vol.  1,  pp.  97-108.  43:  ch.  6.  105:  pp.  123-133.  116:  pp.  695-708. 
2138.  147:  pp.  13,  69-88,  93-97.  149:  pp.  22-31.  158:  ch.  7.  160: 
ch.  14.  161:  ch.  15.  183:  ch.  12.  496:  pp.  215-246,  604-624.  2197. 

pp.  367-387.  498:  pp.  619-660.  m\:  pp.  199-209,  256-269.  423: 

pp.  147-149,  199-201,  212-218.  226:  ch.  4.  233:  vol.  38,  Pt.  4,  pp. 
233-267.  438:  lect.  2.  2244:  pp.  195-202  . 446:  vol.  2,  pp.  235-239, 
250-255. 

[{S  V.  4 (e)  Oracles  and  Superstitions. — 11:  ch.  4.  31:  ch.  6.  236; 

vol.  4,  pp.  274-277,  291-298,  316-320;  vol.  18,  449-255,  334-346;  vol. 
21,  pp.  314^320;  vol.  41,  pp.  257-264.  52:  ch.  8.  53:  pp.  33-61.  254; 

vol.  3,  pp.  935-1056.  ^59:  vol.  2,  chs.  13,  14.  239,  especially  vol.  2. 

102:  vol.  3,  pp.  731-732;  vol.  8,  pp.  259-262,  296-300.  105:  pp.  133- 

151.  107:  ch.  7.  116:  pp.  715-722.  147:  pp.  14-16,  40-41.  172: 

pp.  40-43.  175:  chs.  12,  13.  183:  ch.  46.  211:  pp.  124-127.  246: 
vol.  2,  pp.  246—248,  255-262. 

V.  4 (f)  Confucian  Sanction  of  Polytheism. — ^63:  ch.  9.  211:  ch.  4. 

V.^  4 (g)  Chu  Hsi’s  View  of  God. — 154,  especially  notes  at  end.  155, 
especially^Introduction. 

V.  4 (h)  Man  Only  Indirectly  Related  to  God. — 223:  lect.  6. 


153 


APPENDIX  D 


VI.  Transfusing  the  Christian  Message  Into  Life  {general). — *82: 
lect.  8.  119:  ch.  5.  *211:  chs.  5,  7. 

VI.  1 Special  Bible  Classes.—M.  114.  120.  162.  225. 

VI.  3 Discussions  with  Educated  Men. — *23:  Bk.  1 and  Bk.  3,  chs. 
5,  10.  *32:  ch.  8.  33:  pp.  *116-126,  143-156.  34:  pp.  226-240. 
36:  vol.  27,  pp.  217-222;  vol.  44,  pp.  *727-740,  740-750;  vol.  45,  pp. 
702-706.  64:  ch.  11.  65:  vol.  7,  pp.  *361-382,  437-452;  vol.  8,  pp. 
*288-298;  vol.  11,  pp.  413-438.  *88.  101:  article  “Criticism”  in  vol.  1. 

102:  articles  “Apologetics,”  in  vol.  1;  “Atheism,”  in  vol.  2;  “Ethics 
and  Morality,”  in  vol.  5;  “Jesus  Christ,”  in  vol.  7.  *119:  pp.  58-66. 

*121:  especially  letters  3,  6,  11,  12.  ^123.  ^188. 

VI.  4 Growth  Through  Larger  Service. — 36:  vol.  41,  pp.  327-353; 
vol.  47,  pp.  459-463,  463-470. 

VI.  5 Helpful  Literature. — 32:  ch.  29.  34:  ch.  34.  36:  vol.  17, 

pp.  93-101;  vol.  38,  pp.  134-137;  vol.  39,  pp.  609-615;  vol.  41,  pp.  327- 
336,  343-347,  579-588;  vol.  42,  pp.  *337-341;  vol.  43,  pp.  170-172; 
vol.  48,  pp.  158-175.  37:  vol.  19,  pp.  118-135.  39:  Pt.  4.  *196:  pp. 

192-212,  589-603.  207:  pp.  15-57. 

VII.  The  Needed  Power. — 36:  vol.  40,  pp.  427-454.  64:  ch.  15. 

Appendix  A.  2 Apologetics. — 36:  vol.  41,  pp.  *8-26;  vol.  47,  pp. 
*90-97,  *221-232,  *513-518,  *729-732. 

Appendix  B.  Brief  Course  of  Specialized  Studies  for  Candidates 
for  the  Far  East. 

Appendix  B.  1 For  All  the  Far  East. — 34:  pp.  11-43.  39:  pp.  3-26, 
343-347.  40:  pp.  3-20.  43:  chs.  3,  7.  66:  chs.  3,  4,  7.  75.  77.  -96. 
102:  articles  “Japan”  and  “Korea.”  112:  vol.  5,  pp.  4-31;  vol.  6, 
pp.  3-23.  170.  221.  223.  235.  ch.  3.  238. 

2 For  Candidates  for  Japan. — 25:  ch.  4,  and  for  education,  pp.  226, 

239,  243,  266,  347.  38:  Pt.  1,  chs.  2,  7,  8.  40:  Pts.  1,  6,  7,  9.  41. 

49.  51.  93.  95.  96.  98.  113.  n22.  124.  126.  ch.  8.  150:  chs. 
1,  12,  15,  24,  38,  62,  63.  170.  180:  vol.  2,  chs.  *2-5,  24,  29.  ^89, 

especially  ch.  2.  208:  ch.  8.  216.  241 : pp.  497-528.  *247:  vol.  4,  ch.  4. 

3 For  Candidates  for  Korea. — 5,  especially  chs.  7,  8,  11.  8,  especially 

chs.  3,  5,  8,  9.  9.  24:  chs.  10,  18,  19.  *36:  vol.  31,  pp.  109-122,  163- 
174,  217-232  (discussion  of  the  Nevius  system);  vol.  37,  pp.  235-248. 
M8:  pp.  cxxxviii-cl,  cli-clxii  *77:  ch.  6.  78,  especially  chs.  9,  10,  13. 

79.  92:  ch.  37.  110:  ch.  2.  114.  127:  vol.  1,  pp.  262-268.  128: 
1903  volume,  articles  on  “Mudang  and  Pansu.”  129:  1895  volume, 
pp.  401-404.  134:  chs.  12,  17.  152:  chs.  1,  12,  13.  153:  chs.  19,  20. 

208:  ch.  9.  210:  ch.  10.  *235,  especially  chs.  2, 3,  and  pp.  109-110.  237. 

4 For  Candidates  for  China. — 11:  chs.  2,  3,  15,  21,  25.  *12.  ^14.  *22: 

pp.  1-34.  30.  61.  64:  chs.  4,  7,  9.  82:  chs.  3,  4.  99:  chs.  7,  9,  16, 
21-31.  126.  135.  *147.  156.  *166:  ch.  4.  175.  176.  191,  es- 
pecially chs.  6-8.  208:  ch.  7.  *209:  chs.  *2,  *3,  8,  10.  211:  chs.  14,  15. 
218:  ch.  4.  219.  241:  pp.  463-491.  247:  vol.  4,  ch.  3. 

154 


Appendix  E. — Books  and  Tracts  Useful  for  Work 
Among  the  Chinese 

The  list  below  is  made  up  of  books  and  tracts  selected  from 
twelve  hundred  Chinese  publications  by  Mr.  C.  Y.  Ch‘eng 
for  the  China  Continuation  Committee  in  1916.  Those  with 
an  asterisk  prefixed  were  deemed  by  him  the  best  for  general 
use.  Those  entries  to  which  a dagger  is  prefixed  are  com- 
mended as  useful  for  work  among  literati  by  Secretary  A.  L. 
Warnshuis  of  the  Committee  on  Evangelism.  The  name 
appearing  within  parenthetical  marks  is  the  author  of  the 
book,  while  those  names  not  thus  enclosed  are  either  the 
authors  or  translators  of  the  book  or  tract  whose  title  these 
names  follow.  The  C.  followed  by  a number  at  the  end  of 
each  entry  is  its  designation  in  the  Continuation  Committee’s 
list  of  “Useful  Books  for  Evangelistic  Purposes.” 

The  list  is  printed  in  order  that  missionary  candidates  may 
realize  the  class  of  books  that  are  practically  helpful  in  China. 
Such  lists  vary,  year  by  year.  One  who  lives  in  China  should 
apply  at  the  office  of  the  China  Continuation  Committee  at 
Shanghai  for  the  latest  edition.  The  candidate  will  find  it 
worth  his  while  to  become  acquainted  with  these  books  in 
their  original  English  form,  when  they  are  translations. 

1.  Bible  Study. 

fNew  Life  of  Christ.  D.  MacGillivray.  252  pp.  (C.  6) 
fA  Life  Sketch  of  Jesus.  Wu  Kuang-chien.  26  pp.  (C.  13) 
fThe  Character  of  Jesus  (Horace  Bushnell).  D.  MacGillivray. 
62  pp.  (C.  16) 

f Imago  Christi  (J.  Stalker).  D.  MacGillivray.  90  pp.  Man- 
darin edition  (C.  17) 

fThe  Ethic  of  Jesus  (J.  Stalker).  D.  MacGillivray.  106  pp. 
(C.  20) 

*fThe  Daily  Light.  374  pp.  (C.  34) 

^fOutlines  of  the  Life  of  Jesus.  H.  L.  Zia.  54  pp.  (C.  37) 
*fCharacter  of  Jesus.  H.  L.  Zia.  52  pp.  (C.  38) 

♦flntroduction  to  Bible  Study.  46  pp.  (C.  39) 

155 


APPENDIX  E 


fThe  Principles  of  Jesus  (R.  Speer),  J.  Vale  and  D.  Mac- 
Gillivray.  146  pp.  (C.  46) 

2.  Devotional. 

*fPower  through  Prayer  (E.  M.  Bound).  J.  Speicher.  130 
pp.  (C.  84) 

*fThe  Christian’s  Secret  of  a Happy  Life.  Mrs.  M.  Kwoh. 
206  pp.  (C.  120) 

♦fPilgrim’s  Progress  (J.  Bunyan).  J.  W.  Wilson.  202  pp. 
Mandarin  edition  (C.  130) 

fLaws  of  Christ  for  Common  Life  (R.  W.  Dale).  C.  H.  Chung. 
58  pp.  (C.  144) 

3.  Elementary  Truths. 

t Christianity,  Its  Nature  and  Truth  (A.  S.  Peake).  W.  H. 

Rees.  155  pp.  (C.  151) 
fGate  of  Virtue  and  Wisdom.  G.  John. 

*fMan’s  Importance  as  a Being.  T.  E.  Richey.  22  pp.  (C.  184) 

4.  Apologetic 

*fChina  Church  Year  Book.  C.  Y.  Cheng.  1916.  443  pp. 
(C.  213) 

*tCivilization.  E.  Faber.  448  pp.  (C.  214) 
fConstructive  Suggestions  for  Character  Building  (Mott  and 
Eddy).  P.  S.  Yie.  20  pp.  (C.  218) 

*fChina’s  Need.  Dr.  Chambers.  96  pp.  (C.  221) 

*fThe  Practical  Program  of  Christianity  (G.  S.  Eddy).  40 
pp.  (C.  222) 

*fWhat  is  Christianity?  (G.  S.  Eddy).  C.  N.  Lin  and  C.  H. 
Wang.  26  pp.  (C.  223) 

t Religion  as  an  Element  in  Civilization  (G.  Knox).  C.  Y. 
Cheng.  15  pp.  (C.  224) 

*fEvidences  of  Christianity.  W.  A.  P.  Martin.  160  pp.  Man- 
darin (C.  225) 

*fEvidences  of  Christianity — Commentary.  W.  A.  P.  Martin. 
70  pp.  (C.  225) 

*fChristianity  and  Other  Creeds.  W.  A.  P.  Martin.  128  pp. 
Mandarin  (C.  226) 

fThe  Progress  and  Place  of  Christianity  in  the  Life  of  Great 
Nations  and  Peoples.  74  pp.  (C.  249) 
flnterpretation  of  the  Truth.  T.  M.  Van  (C.  250) 

156 


USEFUL  BOOKS  AND  TRACTS 


fConfucianism  and  Christianity.  Wang  Ping-kun.  125  pp.  (C. 
253) 

fTracts  for  the  Times.  C.  H.  Fenn,  F.  L.  H.  Pott,  J.  W.  Wil- 
son. 14-20  pp.  (C.  254) 

*fPresent-Day  Tracts.  By  eight  Chinese.  112  pp.  (C.  263) 
fDeeper  Truth  Tracts.  Drs.  Rees,  MacGillivray  and  Parker. 
14-20  pp.  (C.  265) 

*fGospel  Arrows.  C.  L.  Ogilvie  (C.  267) 

*fChristian  Faith,  Testimonials  of  Some  Prominent  Chinese 
Christians.  Compiled  by  H.  L.  Zia.  120  pp.  (C.  274) 
fThe  Divine  Origin  of  Christianity  (R.  L.  Storrs).  D.  Mac- 
Gillivray. 174  pp.  Mandarin  (C.  283) 


Appendix  F. — Chinese  Words  and  Proper  Names  with 
Their  Korean  and  Japanese  Equivalents 

As  this  report  is  intended  for  the  use  of  Korean  and 
Japanese  junior  missionaries,  as  well  as  for  those  in  China, 
and  as  requests  have  been  made  that  the  romanized  equiva- 
lents of  Chinese  words  should  be  given  in  the  Korean  and 
Japanese,  this  list  of  all  except  modern  geographical  and 
personal  names  has  been  prepared.  The  romanization  of  the 
Chinese  characters  is  in  accordance  with  the  system  of  Sir 
Thomas  Wade,  which  is  adapted  to  the  Pekingese  form  of 
Mandarin,  since  this  is  used  in  the  most  important  diction- 
aries and  other  books  of  reference.  The  alphabetical  order 
follows  that  of  the  romanized  Chinese  words  as  found  in 
the  text,  with  words  containing  aspirates  following  unas- 
pirated forms  of  the  same  words.  Where  words  with  the 
same  letter  occur,  one  of  which  is  umlauted,  the  regular  u 
precedes  the  umlauted  ii.  The  Korean  romanized  equivalent 
precedes  the  Japanese  form,  as  it  usually  is  nearer  the  Chi- 
nese in  spelling  than  is  the  Japanese.  In  some  cases  a num- 
ber of  romanizations  of  the  Chinese  are  given,  since  different 
systems  are  used  by  scholars.  A very  few  such  cases  are 
also  found  in  the  Japanese  romanization. 


157 


APPENDIX  F 


Ai,  Ngai,  Gae : Duke  of  Lu,  493-467  B.C.  Korean,  Ai ; Japanese,  Ai. 

An  Lu-shan:  An  8th  century  A.D.  Tatar  leader.  Korean,  An  Rok- 
san;  Japanese,  An  Roku-san. 

Chang  Tsai:  Sung  Dynasty  philosopher,  1020-76  A.D.  Korean,  Chang 
Chai ; Japanese,  Chou  Sai. 

Ch'ang,  see  Wen.  Korean,  Ch‘ang;  Japanese,  Sho. 

Chao  Nan,  or  Shaou  Nan : “Odes  of  Chao  and  the  South,”  title  of  Pt.  I, 
Bk.  II  of  “Canon  of  Poetry.”  Korean,  So  Kam ; Japanese,  Sho 
Nan. 

Ch'en  Chih-chai : Twelfth  century  A.D.  official  and  scholar.  Korean, 
Chin  Chik-chai ; Japanese,  Chin  Choku-sai. 

Cheng:  Songs  of  this  feudal  state  were  “licentious,”  constituting  Pt.  I, 
Bk.  VII  of  “Canon  of  Poetry.”  Korean,  Tyong;  Japanese,  Ten. 

Ch'eng  Hao:  Famous  Confucian  scholar,  1032-85  A.D.  Korean,  Cheng 
Heui ; Japanese,  Tei  Ko. 

Ch'eng  I:  Brother  of  the  preceding,  1033-1107  A.D.  Korean,  Cheng 
Eui ; Japanese,  Tei  I. 

Ch'eng  K‘ao-fu : Famous  ancestor  of  Confucius,  799-728  B.C.  Korean, 
Cheng  Ko-to  ; Japanese,  Sei  Ko-fu. 

Chi  Tzu:  Early  civilizer  of  Korea,  entering  the  country  in  1122  B.C. 
Korean,  Kija;  Japanese,  Ki  Shi. 

Chiao:  Instruction,  Confucian  term  for  religion.  Korean,  kyo ; Jap- 
anese, kyo. 

Chieh  Kuei : Last  depraved  emperor  of  the  Hsia  Dynasty,  reigned 
1818-1766  B.C.  Korean,  Kyel  Kei ; Japanese,  Ketsu  Ki  (Kekki). 

Chih  Po : Leader  of  prominent  family  which  was  exterminated  cruelly 
in  5th  century  B.C.  Korean,  Chi  Paik ; Japanese,  Chi  Haku. 

Chin  Ssu  Lu : “Record  of  Modern  Thought,”  written  by  Chu  Hsi  and 
a friend  of  his,  finished  in  1175  A.D.  Korean,  Keun  Sa  Rok ; 
Japanese,  Kin  Shi  Roku. 

Ch'in  Shih  Huang : Great  Wall  Builder,  first  emperor  of  Ch‘in  Dynasty, 
who  reigned  221-209  B.C.  Korean,  Chin-si  Whang ; Japanese,  Shin 
Shi-kw6. 

Chou  Dynasty:  of  China,  1122-255  B.C.  Korean,  Chu-jo;  Japanese, 
Shu  cho. 

Chou  Ch‘i,  Chao  Ch‘i : Commentator,  died  201  A.D.  Korean,  Cho  Ki ; 
Japanese,  Cho  Ki. 

Chou  Hsin : Last  ruler  of  Shang  Dynasty,  died  1 122  B.C.  Korean, 
Chu  Sin ; Japanese,  Chu  Shin. 

Chou  Li : Chou  Dynasty  Ceremonial,  a secondary  Classic.  Korean, 
Chu  Ryei ; Japanese,  Shu  Rei. 

158 


CHINESE  WORDS  AND  PROPER  NAMES 


Chou  Nan:  “Odes  of  Chou  and  the  South,”  title  of  first  section  of 
“Canon  of  Poetry.”  Korean,  Chu  Nam;  Japanese,  Shu  Nan. 

Chou  Tun-i:  Sung  Dynasty  scholar,  1017-73  A.D.  Korean,  Chu  Ton- 
eui;  Japanese,  Shu  Ton-i. 

Chu  Hsi,  Chu  Hi,  Tchu-Hi,  Tchou  Hi,  Chu  Tzu:  Eminent  Confucian 
commentator,  1130-1200  A.D.  Korean,  Chu  Ja,  Chu  Heui ; Jap- 
anese, Shu  Ki,  Shushi. 

Ch‘ii-fu  Hsien : Reputed  birthplace  of  Confucius  in  modern  Shan-tung. 
Korean,  Kok  Pu  Hyen;  Japanese,  Kyoku  fu  Ken. 

Ch'iian  Hsiieh  Pien : “Exhortation  to  Learning,”  famous  book  leading 
to  China’s  renaissance,  written  by  Viceroy  Chang  Chih-tung  twenty 
years  ago.  Korean,  Chun-hak  Pyen ; Japanese,  Den  Gaku  Hen. 

Ch‘un  Ch'iu,  Ch'un  Ts'ew:  “Spring  and  Autumn  Annals,”  one  of  the 
“Five  Classics,”  written  by  Confucius.  Korean,  Ch'un  Ch‘u;  Jap- 
anese, Chun-zhu  (ju). 

Chung  Yung,  Tchung-yung,  Tchong-yong:  “Doctrine  of  the  Mean,” 
one  of  the  “Four  Books.”  Korean,  Chung-yong;  Japanese,  Chu-yo. 

Confucius,  Latinized  form  of  K'ung  Fu-tzu,  which  see. 

Fa : Law,  the  Buddhist  term  for  religion.  Korean,  pup ; Japanese,  ho. 

Fa:  Name  of  Wu,  founder  of  Chou  Dynasty,  which  see.  Korean,  Pal; 
Japanese,  Hatsu. 

Fang:  City  in  State  of  Lu.  Korean,  Pang;  Japanese,  Ho. 

Feng-shui : “Wind  and  water,”  Chinese  geomancy.  Korean,  p’ung-su ; 
Japanese,  fu-sui. 

Han  Dynasty : of  China,  lasting  from  206  B.C.  to  25  A.D.  Korean, 
Han-jo;  Japanese,  Kan  Cho. 

Han  Lin:  “Pencil  Forest,”  China’s  French  Academy  in  its  palmy  days. 
Korean,  Han  Rim  (Hallim)  ; Japanese,  Kan  Rin. 

Han  Wen  Kung:  “Duke  of  Literature,”  768-824  A.D.  Korean,  Han- 
mun  Kong;  Japanese,  Kan  Bun-ko. 

Han  Yii,  same  as  foregoing.  Korean,  Han  Yu. 

Hananim:  Korean  for  Shang  Ti,  Supreme  Ruler,  God. 

Hsi-an  Fu,  Sian  Fu,  Singan  Fu:  Famous  Chinese  capital  in  modern 
Shen-si.  Korean,  Su-an-pu;  Japanses,  Sei-an  fu. 

Hsiao  Ching,  Heaou  king,  Hiao-king:  “Filial  Piety  Canon.”  Korean, 
Hyo  Kyeng;  Japanese,  K5  Kyo. 

Hsien : Duke  of  Ch'in,  4th  century  B.C.  Korean,  Heun ; Japanese,  Ken. 

Hsii,  Paul:  Distinguished  Roman  Catholic  convert  in  China,  Hsii  (Su) 
Kuang-ch‘i,  baptized  in  1602.  Korean,  Su ; Japanese,  Zho,  Jo. 

Hsiian  Tsung:  Sixteenth  emperor  of  T'ang  Dynasty,  810-59  A.D. 
Korean,  Chun  Chong;  Japanese,  Sen  So. 

159 


APPENDIX  F 


Hsiin  K'uang,  Hsiin  K‘wang,  Hsiin  Tzu : Philosopher  Hsiin,  opposed 
to  Mencius,  3rd  century  B.C.  Korean,  Syun  Hang;  Japanese, 
Zhun  (Jun)  Kyo. 

Huang  Ti,  Hwang  Ti : Legendary  Chinese  Emperor,  2698-2598  B.C. 

Korean,  Hwang  Chei;  Japanese,  Ko  Tei. 

Hung  Wu:  Founder  of  Ming  Dynasty,  1368-99  A.D.  Korean,  Hung 
Mu;  Japanese,  Ko  Hu. 

I Ching,  Y-king,  Yi  King,  Yih-king:  “Canon  of  Changes,”  one  of  the 
“Five  Classics.”  Korean,  Yuk-chung,  Chu-yuk;  Japanese,  Eki 
Kyo. 

Jen:  Benevolence,  humanity.  Korean,  in;  Japanese,  zhin,  jin. 

Ju  Chiao : “Sect  of  the  Lettered,”  Confucianists.  Korean,  Yu-kyo ; 
Japanese,  Zhu  (Ju)  kyo. 

K'ang  Hsi,  Kanghi : Famous  Ch'ing  Dynasty  emperor,  1662-1723  A.D. 

Korean,  Kang-hiui ; Japanese,  K6-ki. 

K‘o : Personal  name,  now  tabooed,  of  Mencius.  Korean,  Ka ; Japanese, 
K5. 

Kung:  Duke,  as  Chou  Kung,  Duke  of  Chou.  Korean,  Kong;  Japanese, 
Ko. 

K'ung  Chi : Grandson  of  Confucius,  born  about  500  B.C.  Korean, 
Kong  Keup;  Japanese,  Ko  Kyu. 

K'ung  Chiao:  “Confucian  Church”  (of  modern  origin).  Korean, 
Kong  Kyo ; Japanese,  Ko  Kyo. 

K'ung  Fu-tzu:  “K'ung,  the  Philosopher,”  Latinized  as  Confucius. 

Korean,  Kong  Pu-ja;  Japanese,  K5  Fu  Shi. 

K‘ung-fu  Chia:  Ancestor  of  Confucius,  murdered  710  B.C.  Korean, 
Kong  Pu  Ka;  Japanese,  Ko  Fu  Ka. 

K'ung  Tzu  Chia  Yii:  “Family  Sayings  of  Confucius.”  Korean,  Kong 
Cha  Ka-6 ; Japanese,  K5  Shi  Ka  go. 

Lao  Tzu,  Lao-Tsze:  “Old  Boy,”  “Old  Philosopher,”  contemporary  of 
Confucius  and  founder  of  Taoism,  born  604  B.C.  Korean,  No  Ja; 
Japanese,  Ro  Shi. 

Li:  Propriety,  ceremonial.  Korean,  ryei;  Japanese,  rei. 

Li  Chi,  Li  Ki,  Le  ke:  “Record  of  Rites,”  one  of  the  “Five  Classics.” 
Korean,  Yei-keui;  Japanese,  Rai  Ki. 

Li  T'ung:  Teacher  of  Chu  Hsi.  Korean,  Yi  Tong;  Japanese,  Ri  To. 
Lu : Confucius’  native  State.  Korean,  No ; Japanese,  Ro. 

Lun  Yii : Discourses,  “Analects,”  one  of  the  “Four  Books.”  Korean, 
Non-U ; Japanese,  Ron-go. 

Mang-kong : Korean  for  Chinese  Meng-K‘ung,  Mencius-Confucius,  and 
also  the  croaking  of  frogs.  Also  romanized  Maing  Kong. 

160 


CHINESE  WORDS  AND  PROPER  NAMES 


Mencius,  Latinized  form  of  the  following. 

Meng  Tzu,  Meng  tseu,  Mang  tsze : “Meng,  the  Philosopher,”  Mencius, 
372-289  B.C.  Korean,  Maing  Ja;  Japanese,  Mo  Shi. 

Meng-tsu  Ching-i,  Meng  Tzu  Cheng  I:  “True  Meaning  of  Mencius,” 
a commentary.  Korean,  Maing  Cha  Cheng-eui ; Japanese,  Mo  Shi 
Sei-gi. 

Ming;  Chinese  Dynasty,  1368-1644  A.D.  Korean,  Meng;  Japanese, 
Mei. 

Mo  Ti,  Meh  Ti,  Mih  Teih,  Meh  Tsze:  Philosopher  of  period  between 
Confucius  and  Mencius  whom  the  latter  opposed.  Korean,  Muk 
Juk;  Japanese,  Boku  Teki. 

Mu : Duke  of  Ch'in,  died  621  B.C.  Korean,  Mok ; Japanese,  Boku. 

Ni:  Name  of  a hill  that  gave  Confucius  his  name,  now  tabooed. 
Korean,  Ni ; Japanese,  Ni. 

Ojin:  Japanese  Emperor,  270-313  A.D.,  Chinese  Ying  Shen.  Also 
romanized  in  Japanese  as  Ozhin.  Korean,  Eung  In. 

Po  Yu;  Son  of  Confucius.  Korean,  Paik  O;  Japanese,  Haku  Gio. 

San  Tzu  Ching:  “Three  Character  Canon,”  by  Wang  Ying-lin,  of  our 
13th  century.  Korean,  Sam  Cha  Kyung;  Japanese,  San  Ji  Kei. 

Shang  Dynasty:  of  China,  1766-1122  B.C.  Korean,  Syang;  Japanese, 

Sh5. 

Shang  Ti:  Supreme  Ruler.*  Korean,  Shang  Te,  Sang-je;  Japanese, 
Jo  Tei. 

Sheng  Yii  Kuang  Shun;  “Sacred  Commands  Broad  Teaching,”  Sacred 
Edict,  by  the  Emperor  K'ang  Hsi.  Korean,  Sung-yu  Kuang-hun ; 
Japanese,  Sei-yu  Ko-kun. 

Shih  Ching,  She  King,  Schi-King,  Chi  King,  Cheu  King:  “Canon  of 
Poetry,”  one  of  “Eive  Classics.”  Korean,  Si  Kyeng;  Japanese, 
Shi  Kyo. 

Shih  Pluang  Ti,  same  as  Ch'in  Shih  Huang,  which  see.  Korean,  Si 
Whang-chei;  Japanese,  Shi  K5  Tei. 

Shu;  Reciprocity.  Korean,  syo ; Japanese,  jo. 

Shu  Ching,  Shoo-king,  Chou-king;  “Canon  of  History,”  one  of  “Eive 
Classics.”  Korean,  Su  Kyeng;  Japanese,  Sho  Kyo. 

Shu  Liang-ho:  Father  of  Confucius,  died  548  B.C.  Korean,  Syuk 
Yang  Heul;  Japanese,  Shiku  Ryo-ketsu. 

* The  important  terms  connoting  deity,  frequently  used  in  the  Chinese  Classics,  are  two, 

Shang  Ti,  commonly  translated  Supreme  Ruler  or  Ruler  Above,  and  T‘ien,  translated  Heaven, 

with  or  without  an  initial  capital.  Either  or  both  of  these  terms  frequently  are  rendered 

God  in  English  translations.  The  exact  religious  connotation  of  these  terms  constitutes  a 

profoundly  difficult  and  much  debated  question  in  the  study  of  Chinese  religion. 

161 


APPENDIX  F 


Shun:  Emperor  of  China,  2255-2205  B.C.  Korean,  Syun;  Japanese, 
Shun. 

Shuo  Wen:  Famous  dictionary  of  Hsii  Shen,  early  in  our  2nd  century. 
Korean,  Syul  Mun;  Japanese,  Setsu  Bun. 

Ssu-ma  Ch'ien : Chinese  historian,  2nd  century  B.C.  Korean,  Sa  Ma 
Ch’un ; Japanese  Shi-ba  Sen. 

Ssu  Shu,  Sze  shoo : “Four  Books”  of  the  Chinese  Classics.  Korean, 
Su  Syu ; Japanese,  Shi  Sho. 

Ssu  Tzu  Chih  Shu:  “Four  Philosophers’  Books,”  full  name  of  fore- 
going. Korean,  Su  Cha  Chi  Syu ; Japanese,  Shi  Shi  No  Sho. 

Sung:  Chinese  Dynasty  name,  960-1127  A.D.  Also  name  of  ancient 
State  in  modern  Shan-tung.  Korean,  Song;  Japanese,  So. 

Ta  Hsiieh,  Ta-hyoh,  Ta-heo,  Ta-hio:  “Great  Learning,”  one  of  “Four 
Books.”  Korean,  Tai-hak;  Japanese,  Dai-gaku. 

Tan:  Name  of  Duke  of  Chou,  died  1105  B.C.  Korean,  Tan;  Japanese, 
Tan. 

T'ang:  Chinese  Dynasty,  618-907  A.D.  Korean,  Tang;  Japanese,  To. 

T‘ang:  Founder  of  Shang  Dynasty,  ruled  1766-1753  B.C.  Korean, 
T’ang;  Japanese,  To. 

Tao,  taou : Way,  doctrine,  Taoist  term  for  religion.  Korean,  to;  Jap- 
anese, do. 

T'ien  Chu : Heaven’s  Lord,  Roman  Catholic  name  for  God  in  China. 
Korean,  T’yen  Chu;  Japanese,  Ten  Shu. 

Ts'ai  Ch'en:  Disciple  of  Chu  Hsi,  1167-1230  A.D.  Korean,  Ch’oai 
Ch’im ; Japanese,  Sai  Tan. 

Tseng  Ts'an  or  Shen:  Disciple  of  Confucius,  author  of  “Great  Learn- 
ing.” Korean,  Cheung  Sam ; Japanese,  So  San. 

Tso  Chuan,  Tsoou  tchouen:  “Tso’s  Commentary”  on  the  “Spring  and 
Autumn  Annals.”  Korean,  Choa-chun ; Japanese,  Sa  Den. 

Tsou:  Town  which  Confucius’  father  governed.  Korean,  Ch’oui;  Jap- 
anese, Shu. 

Tsui  Tzu  Chieh  I:  “Meaning  of  the  Character  Tsui  [for  Sin]  Ex- 
plained.” Korean,  Choi-ja  Kak-eui ; Japanese,  Zai-zhi  (ji)  Kai-i. 

Tzu  Lu,  Tsze-loo:  Style  of  Chung  Yu,  disciple  of  Confl  ^cius.  Korean, 
Cha  Ro ; Japanese,  Shi  Ro. 

Tzu  Ssu:  Grandson  of  Confucius;  see  K'ung  Chi.  Korean,  Cha  Sa; 
Japanese,  Shi  Shi.  ^ 

Wang  An-shih,  Wang  Ngan-shih:  Celebrated  social  reformer,  1021- 
1086  A.D.  Korean,  Wang  An-suk ; Japanese,  Wo  An-seki. 

Wang  Su : Commentator  of  “Family  Sayings  of  Confucius,”  died  256 
A.D.  Korean,  Wang  So;  Japanese,  O Shiku. 

162 


CHINESE  WORDS  AND  PROPER  NAMES 


Wang  Yang-ming,  or  Wang  Shou-jen:  Eminent  Confucianist  of  ^ina, 
1472-1528  A.D.  Korean,  Wang  Yang-myeng;  Japanese,  O Yo- 
mei. 

Wei:  King  of  Ch‘i,  4th  century  B.C.  Korean,  Wui;  Japanese,  I. 

Wei  Yang : Official  of  Wei,  died  338  B.C.  Korean,  Wui  Ang ; Japanese, 
Ei  O. 

Wen,  also  called  Hsi  Po,  Yu  Li : Virtual  founder  of  the  Chou  Dynasty. 
Korean,  Mun ; Japanese,  Bun. 

Wen  Ch'ang:  God  of  Literature  in  China,  T‘ang  Dynasty.  Korean, 
Mun  Ch'ang ; Japanese,  Bun  Sho. 

Wu:  Founder  of  the  Chou  Dynasty,  ruling  1122-1116  B.C.  Korean, 
Mu ; Japanese,  Bu. 

Wu  Ching,  Woo  King:  “Five  Classics.”  Korean,  O Kyung;  Japanese, 
Go  Kyo. 

Wu  Ching  Chieh  I Shih  Chin:  “Commentary  on  the  Five  Classics 
Adapted  to  Modern  Times.”  Korean,  O Kyung  Hai-eui  Chuk- 
keung;  Japanese,  Go  Kyo  Kai  Gi  Teki  Kon. 

Ya  Sheng : “Inferior  Sage,”  “Second  Inspired  One,”  Mencius.  Korean, 
A Syeng;  Japanese,  A Sei. 

Yang  Chu : Philosopher  of  the  5th  or  4th  century  B.C.,  opposed  by 
Mencius.  Korean,  Yang  Ju;  Japanese,  Yo  Shu. 

Yangban : Korean  for  the  Chinese  Liang  Pan,  meaning  gentleman ; also 
romanized  yang-pan. 

Yao,  Yaou:  Chinese  emperor,  2356-2258  B.C.  Korean,  Yo;  Japanese, 
Gyo. 

Yen : Family  name  of  the  mother  of  Confucius.  Japanese,  Gan. 

Yin:  Chinese  Dynasty,  also  called  Shang,  1766-1122  B.C.  Korean, 
Eun;  Japanese,  In. 

Yii:  The  “Great  Yti,”  Chinese  Noah,  ruled  2205-2197  B.C.  Korean, 
Yo ; Japanese,  U. 


163 


